Concordia of Villafáfila

On November 26, 1504, Queen Isabella La Católica died in Medina del Campo, leaving her daughter Juana La Loca as heir to the crown of Castile, married to Felipe El Hermoso, Count of Flanders, where she was at that time. . As the queen was aware of the character and mental problems of her daughter and her son-in-law's lack of disposition towards the kings, and she knew that the dissensions that could arise at her death could endanger the union between the crowns of Castile and Aragon, which they had achieved with so much effort throughout their lives, established in their will some clauses by which they designated Fernando as governor, so that he would govern the kingdoms in the event of the absence or incapacity of Princess Juana:

"I order and command that every time the said Princess, my daughter, is not in these said my kingdoms or after they come at some time to be away from them, or being in them, she does not want or cannot understand in the government of them that In any of the said cases, the King, my lord, rules, administers and governs the said my kingdoms and lordships and has the governance and administration of them by the said princess, secondly said, as long as the infant Don Carlos, my grandson, son first-born heir of the said princes and princesses is of legitimate age or at least twenty years old to rule and govern..."

"And, likewise, I request and command very affectionately the said Princess, my daughter,... and the said Prince, her husband, that they always be very obedient and subject to the King, my lord, and that they do not leave him with all reverence e obedience e commanded ... [1] .”

Before the death of the queen, Fernando and Isabel promulgated some pragmatics on the government of the kingdoms of Castile and León in the face of evidence that their successors were going to be the princes Felipe and Juana [2] in which they made very clear their concern for the future of the rivers and how they wanted them to be governed Regarding Prince Felipe they say:

"Because he is from another nation and another language, if he does not conform to the customs of the land, and he and the princess, our daughter, do not govern them according to her laws and uses and customs, they could be scandalized and not have them love, that we would like them to be tovyesen and knowing that each kingdom has its privileges and laws and uses and customs and are governed better by their natives".

The kings with the agreement of the " great and pearly ones who are with us and those of the council number" have a series of recommendations all of them aimed at preventing the Flemish from taking over the government of Castile. In summary they order:

- That neither the tendencies nor the mayorships of the fortresses, nor jurisdictions of towns or cities be given to any foreigner.

- That the offices of justice that entail the exercise of jurisdiction are not granted to foreigners.

- Likewise, it will be done with the offices of finance, of the house and court of the kings, the municipal offices of cities, towns or places and those designated ecclesiastical.

- That the traffic of the newly discovered lands of the Indies be made from the ports of these kingdoms of Castile.

- That the letters and missives issued from abroad when the kings are absent are written in Spanish, and do not take prisoners out of the kingdoms, nor advocate legal cases as far as they are found

- That courts are not convened during the absence of the kings and keep the favors and privileges of the great, noble prelates and churches.

"The government and justice of these kingdoms are well supported... that the heir son, being of governing age, should remain in these kingdoms, and being a minor, remain with him persons chosen by the princes and in Courts with the agreement of the attorneys agreeing with the second game and other laws" .

The Catholic king proclaimed his daughter as queen immediately after Elizabeth's death in the Plaza de Medina, as stated to his ambassador in Venice by letter in 1506:

"And the same day that the said Queen, my wife, died, against the opinion of many, I went out to the Plaza de Medina del Campo and climbed on a gallows, and there I publicly took off the title of King of Castile and gave it to the King and Queen, my fixed ones, and I raised them as Kings, and caused them to be raised as Kings throughout the Kingdom" [3] .

and summoned the attorneys of the cities with vote, to the Cortes de Toro in 1505, where Doña Juana was sworn queen and Fernando was recognized as governor and administrator, being informed of Queen Juana's illness:

"I have been informed in particular of the illness of the said Queen, Doña Juana, our lady... they are all in agreement on behalf of these said kingdoms and lordships, being informed in particular and knowing them of the illness, which is such the said Queen, Doña Juana, nra mrs, you cannot govern" [4] .

In Castile, two well-defined groups emerged, that of the supporters of Philip, who grouped together the nobles and greats of the kingdom who were gradually abandoning the old Aragonese monarch, who, on the other hand, had his support in the representatives of the cities, few loyal nobles, and knights of the military orders.

Thus, as examples of positioning that are beginning to be produced, we have news that immediately after the Cortes de Toro, Filiberto, lord of Veyre, ambassador in Castile of the kings Felipe and Juana, recommends the count of Fuensalida to take 50 lances and have under his command, until the kings return [5] .

From Flanders, where the new kings were preparing their coming to Castile, they skilfully maneuvered to win over most of the nobles, sending them letters from Philip, promising them new favors for when he was in the kingdoms. The felipista party was headed by don Juan Manuel, lord of Belmonte, and chief waiter of the new kings, a character of great political ambition and declared adversary of the Catholic king. In Brussels he had earned the trust of Philip, who had made him a knight of the "Teison d'Or" at the Middelborg chapter in 1505.

The coming conflict cannot be reduced to the sphere of personal relations between son-in-law and father-in-law, but had an international dimension, both for Castile, who saw the unity achieved with Aragon in danger, and for the Netherlands, who feared the influence French; That is why the intervention of France, with interests, moreover, in Naples, and less manifestly that of Maximilian, Philip's father and emperor-elect, made itself felt from the beginning. In April 1505, a treaty was signed at Blois between King Louis XII of France, Emperor Maximilian, and Archduke Philip the Fair, whereby the latter would assist the French king in conquering Naples, in exchange for their help in acquiring Naples. with the crown of Castile.

Faced with the international situation and the danger in which the kingdom of Naples remained, Ferdinand reacted quickly and skillfully, and led to a rapprochement with France that culminated in the marriage between the Catholic king and Germana de Foix, niece of the king of France, by proxy. in October 1505 and effectively in March 1506 [6] .

Another important center of world diplomacy was in Rome, where the different ambassadors maneuvered so that the Pope would support the interests of their respective nations. Thus Fernando obtained from Pope Julius II a bull confirming the provisions of Elizabeth's will for the governance of the kingdoms issued in December 1505 [7] .

Faced with this change of alliances, Felipe advanced the preparations for his trip to Castile at the end of 1505, intending to make it through France, faster with less danger, but he did not obtain the consent of King Louis XII.

Meanwhile his ambassadors negotiate with his father-in-law and reach an agreement embodied in the Concord of Salamanca, signed on November 24.

It establishes the joint government of Castile by Juana and Felipe, as proprietary kings, and Fernando, as perpetual governor, and with the name of the three all official documents would be dispatched and justice would be administered, detailing how they had to the documents and make the proclamations.

In a second chapter they agree that when the new kings arrive in Castile the attorneys will meet in the courts to swear Doña Juana as queen proprietor, Felipe as her legitimate husband and Fernando as perpetual governor, at the same time that they swear as heir to the prince Don Carlos.

In the third place, they agree that all the income of the kingdoms of "Castilla, León, Granada, the Canary Islands and the Indies", after paying all the expenses of war and the ordinary functioning of the state, be divided in half between father and children. In addition, the license of both kings, Felipe and Fernando, is required to be able to distribute and collect from the subjects any extraordinary service. From what is collected, each one of them can manage it according to the needs by appointing independent treasurers.

The alternative provision of the vacancies in the positions of trades that belong to the crown, including those that follow in the military masterships, is determined, but the rents of the masterships remain entirely for the Catholic king.

It is clarified if King Ferdinand had a male child, he cannot claim any right of succession to the kingdoms of Castile.

Finally, a declaration of perpetual peace, friendship and confederation is made, of friends and enemies, and of mutual aid for the preservation of their states, with supremacy over any other capitulations or treaties that they have signed.

For greater vigor of what was capitulated in Salamanca, they appointed conservators of the treaty to the kings of Portugal and England, the emperor elect, Maximilian, and the Holy Father, sending the capitulations to the Holy See for approval and order to save [8] .

From the very day of the signing of the agreement in Salamanca, the differences between Ferdinand and Philip's ambassador, Monsier Filiberto de Veyre [9] , are revealed , when the latter requests that before they become vacant, he can appoint King Philip the wardens of ten crown fortresses, encountering Fernando's procrastination, sending the particular for the coming of his son-in-law when they will deal with this matter, and if they do not understand each other they will send it to a third party, and in the event that they do not they meet, the rest of the concord will remain in force. The ambassador also requests that the income that the kingdoms have produced since the death of Queen Elizabeth be divided in half between Fernando and his children, but the old king's response is that everything they have rented has been consumed in:

"The ordinary things and the state of these kingdoms and in other things that are usually spent, and in the will and discharges of the blessed and serene queen, my wife, and there has been nothing left over.

Let the accountants and the treasurer show the accounts and if there is anything left over we will cut it in half" .

Likewise, Don Fernando promises that when Don Felipe comes, he will be able to provide three or four captaincies in person of his trust. He also expresses the desire that the two kings agree on foreign companies:

"As you want to do some companies in the service of God our Lord, and the enhancement of Christianity and to recover the rights that belong to each of the parties, when he comes as king" .

King Felipe, who received the treaty in Flanders before leaving for Castile, publicly seems to agree with the capitulation in Salamanca, and he states this in a letter he wrote to his father-in-law [10] .

The letter that Your Highness sent me on November 23, gave me more pleasure than I could say: to see the inconveniences so great that they could continue being tackled; and see that there is nothing left to do, but to serve Your Highness: which is certainly what he most desired: and to come to what has now been done between Your Highness, and me, for which I thank God, he knows that I have wanted more, what the present seemed to be my harm, than my benefit: because I want to have cause for Your Highness as an obedient son, as much as possible to whoever most wants to love, and obey his father: and so that against this it cannot be said, nor treated, I beg Your Highness, to do for your part, as I do for mine. I, sir, am sending the ratification signed only in my name: because rather of the business: which I am sending with Pérez, for being a true man, and diligent: and from Zeeland, so that I leave tomorrow, I will work to send the queen's ratification; and I say that I will work on it, because Your Highness does not know that it is necessary to work. Our Lord keep, and prosper your real person, and state.

Although privately he was not very happy with the terms of the Salamanca Agreement, he was forced to compromise while he arrived in Castile, where he intended to arrive by sea, embarking in the middle of winter, with the risks that this entails. Forced by inclement weather, the Flemish fleet had to land in England, where it had to remain until the end of April 1506. There it ratifies the agreement signed by its ambassador, but it already hints at the distrust between Fernando and Felipe because it is a matter of the need or not of ratification:

with the same date of day, month and year and witnesses and that from now on what has been done has been considered good and I approve it as if in said deed and capitulation there was no obligation clause to rectify, approve. But I still promise and give my faith and royal word and I swear to God and to this sign of + that with all my strength to my loyal power I will try and work for the ratification of the aforementioned capitulation of the most serene queen and princess, my wife, signed in His royal name and life I will give and deliver or I will have the said lord king, my father, given and delivered in his power.

Given at Vinsor Castle in England, on the ninth day of the month of February, one thousand five hundred and six.

In the last paragraph and in the previous letter that he wrote to his father-in-law, the refusal of the queen to sign the government documents is perceived, which would not be repeated on so many later occasions, and during those days Felipe tried to return Queen Juana to Flanders and leave her there, continuing the trip to Castile alone to take charge of the kingdom, for which he asked the opinion of his father-in-law, who refused:

"And from there, from England, I went to seek with me the said Most Serene King, my landlord, that I flee for good that he made a trip from there to Flanders to the said Most Serene Queen, my landlord, and he left her there, and he came alone. . I answered him, how ugly, and how gross it would be to do such a thing and that is because of love, that I as a father, and he as a husband we give him" [12] .

Meanwhile King Ferdinand had settled in Valladolid awaiting news of the arrival of his sons in one of the Cantabrian ports. When he had traveled to Burgos to be closer, he received the news of the landing of the new kings in La Coruña, and he went to El Bierzo with the intention of receiving them as soon as possible. Before the arrival of the new kings in Castile, some nobles from the Fernandino party tried to convince Fernando not to allow Felipe to enter these kingdoms, to which the Catholic king always opposed:

“ Some of the nobles who were with the King in Castile wanted to persuade him not to let Don Phelipe, successor in them by his wife, enter these Kingdoms, except on the condition that he be Governor with him and his daughter, due to the great practice that he had of the things of these Kingdoms, as for the young age of the new King, who did not know the greats of Castile and their state, and for the defect of the Queen.

The ones who pressed the King Catholico, Don Fernando, the most in this, were Don Bernardino de Velasco, Constable of Castile, and Don Fadrique de Toledo, Duke of Alva, but they could never move him to do so, since he had previously capitulated that for the Peace and tranquility of these Kingdoms, the King Don Fernando governed jointly with his sons. This concert undid Don Juan Manuel, who ruled the King Don Phelipe at his will" [13] .

King Fernando sends three people he trusts: Don Ramón de Cardona, Don Fernando de la Vega, Lord of Grajal, and the secretary Miguel Pérez de Almazán (although it seems that he never moved, since he continues to act as notary and witness of the actual documents on successive days).

"to deal with the visits and talk about the means of concord with King D. Felipe... and the King stopped in Astorga until maybe the month of May" [14] .

Until then, the intention of the new king not to comply with the capitulated in the Concord of Salamanca had not been made public:

"Then they showed that they brought very underhanded and covert the complaints they had about La Concordia, which had settled in Salamanca" .

The courtiers complained, "they had King Don Felipe very hammer on this" [15] , that Fernando took the revenues of the masterships of the Military Orders in full:

"The Lord of Veré said to Hernando de Vega, that it was not a reasonable thing for a strange King to have more in the Kingdom than whose he was; and being all things divided equally, King Don Hernando took out for himself all the revenues of the Maestrazgos entirely , without giving their children any part... for a very detrimental thing, and thank you, that the King of Aragon enjoyed the royal income of Castile, and that he who was King of Castile did not have a part in those of the orders" .

And that he used the title of King of Castile, in addition to expressing his disagreement with the second marriage of the Aragonese king:

"That if he were to avoid passing on the title, it was a notorious agrauio in the children to come, he could claim the firstborn, who was the son of the King of Castile, because in naming himself Kings and Princes it is implied that King Don Hernando was so King of Castile who was of reason and justice" .

At the same time, rumors about the hidden intentions of the Catholic king to free his daughter, and turn her against her husband, were spread in the Court, in La Coruña, with the intention of weakening the possibilities of harmony between father-in-law and son-in-law. for what he was preparing people of arms in Castile, rumors that were confirmed when letters were known that the Catholic King had sent to some cities and nobles declaring his intentions to free his daughter and asking them to go with people of arms to wherever he was , like the one published by Zurita (1580: 58).

At first it was thought to deal with the differences in Santiago de Compostela, so Fernando, from Villafranca del Bierzo, as far as he had gone, with the purpose of seeing his children as soon as possible, sent the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Francisco de Cisneros, with the broadest powers to be able to reach a new agreement that would replace the one of Salamanca, without ruling out a possible recourse to arms to resolve the issue.

The powers that King Fernando gives to Cisneros in Villafranca on June 2 are universal so that the archbishop can negotiate and sign what he thinks is most convenient, expressing the king's confidence in him. In his power, let's call it the main one, to deal with public agreement, he makes an allegation of the need for agreement and good intentions, and some of the terms are transcribed verbatim in the definitive agreement:

and other such securities you can also in my name agree and receive from the most serene king and queen my fixed and from any of them and so that of all the above and any thing and part of it you can for me and in my name settle and sign any capitulation and capiutulaciones and other any deeds with any conditions and bonds and firmness that seems to you or well seen; and others and I give you power so that in my name and in my soul you can swear and swear that I have and will keep and complete all of the above and each one thing and part of it that you agree, agree, agree, agree, sign and swear on behalf of me and in the same way and way that you settle it and sign it and jurors,

Given in the town of Villafranca de Valcácer on the second day of the month of June, the year of the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ, one thousand five hundred and six years old.

I, Miguel Pérez de Almaçán, secretary of his highness, had it written by his command" [16] . Singo

On the same day, King Fernando writes two letters also addressed to Archbishop Cisneros, one of them so that he discusses and agrees with his son-in-law on the matter of the queen's incapacity, which they had surely made Fernando know was an essential condition to be able to reach an agreement with Felipe, but that it was convenient to maintain discretion and should not appear in the public text of the concord:

close to the aforementioned, for me and in my name you promised and signed as if I personally promised and signed and signed, in testimony of which I ordered the present to be made and signed by my hand and ordered to be sealed with the seal of my camera . Date in Villafranca de Valcácer on the second day of the month of June, the year of the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ, five hundred and six years old.

And to get the consent of the great and, knowing that they had to soften some wills that persistently opposed the achievement of an agreement between the two kings, he ordered him to offer them favors and rewards if necessary:

Because more than what I wish for the true union and concord of myself and of the most serene kings Don Felipe and Doña Juana, my very dear and very beloved fixed, I also wish that the great of these kingdoms and lordships are truly well in the said union and concord and help as is right (*) first to ensure that it is fully established and then to be preserved for the great benefits that are expected to follow, and because this is carried out with the best will, I hereby secure and promise in my faith and real word and I swear to God our lord and to the cross to the holy four gospels that all that you the very Reverend in Xto father Don Francisco Ximénez, archbishop of Toledo, Primate of the Spains, and chancellor major of Castile, promised in my name to the said greats and to each one of them, that I will consent and will do in their business and in their interests,in the same way as you with them and in my name you settle and promise, in testimony of which I ordered the present to be made and I signed it with my hand and I ordered it to be sealed with the seal of my chamber.

Dated in Villafranca de Valcárcer on the second day of the month of June, year of the birth of our Savior Jesus Christ, five hundred and six years old.

*tacacho"because in this way these kingdoms will be in all peace and calm, and I and the said most serene King and Queen, my fixed ones, will be able to use ourselves more freely in wars of infidels and enemies of faith" [18] .

But the intentions of Felipe and the advisers who advised him were not to hurry up to arrange the visits, but were different: to avoid meeting his father-in-law, delaying the time of the interview, while the great and noble arrived at his side. , no longer waiting for anyone to respect the Salamanca agreements; and, instead of going directly to Castile by way of Santiago, he took the road from Orense to enter through Puebla de Sanabria. Pedro Mártir de Anglería tells us about the arrival of many nobles to Galicia to swell the Court of Felipe:

"From various directions, bypassing King Ferdinand, various nobles flew to meet the newcomers" .

All hoping to get better favors from the new kings. Some Grandees, faced with the difficulty and then going to La Coruña, sent their letters and messengers, expressing their support for the new king, even contributing people, as the Duke of Infantado does [19] , to which Felipe is currently opposed:

"and near the people that you bring in your company, it is not necessary for now that they come but of peace" .

And others left so hastily for Galicia that they had to put up with certain discomforts:

"Most of the lords, gentlemen and officials of the king were on foot or badly mounted, because some had their horses in Castile, the others had not yet bought horses... and the pedestrians were fatigued by the very hot weather , that many were sick and delicate" [20] .

From La Coruña, Felipe sends the nobles he trusts to the cities with secret instructions, possibly to put them at his service. The letters of the king addressed to the corregidor and the jurors of Toledo on May 27 are preserved, ordering them, under accusation of treason with the consequent death penalty and seizure of property, to obey his envoy, the count of Fuensalida, whom he commands:

"To things that comply with our service and the commons and usefulness of these our kingdoms, therefore I command you that in everything that the said count on my behalf you say and I will command you to give him integrity, faith, belief and so, and put it into work, because others to do what you are obliged to do as loyal servants to follow the loyalty that this city has always had and kept to the kings and ancestors, in this you will do me a lot of service, and for no reason or anything else do not fail to comply, under penalty that Anyone who does the contrary will incur in the case of a traitor and as such will face the death penalty and the loss of all his assets for the nra camera" [21] .

On his way to Castile and while the negotiations for harmony between the kings are delayed, Felipe is granting favors to the nobles who are passing to his side. As an example: June 7 in Orense Felipe confirms to the Count of Benavente the alcabalas that Don Juan Pimentel previously charged [22] ; and on the 11th from Alleriz, Felipe I ordered the Toledo council to admit the count of Fuensalida with his voice and vote in the Town Councils in the same way that his ancestors enjoyed him [23] .

In Felipe's courtship mistrust did not cease to occur between the great ones to achieve greater influence before the new king:

"The Flemings' abhorrence with everyone grew, and they were very dissatisfied with each other, and they discovered more and more the confusion between the members of the council" [24] .

As well as incidents between the German soldiers who serve as his escort and the natives of the country [25] .

Meanwhile, Fernando returns from Villafranca del Bierzo and arriving in Bañeza, where he is on June 7, he writes to Archbishop Cisneros [26] , urging him to sign an agreement with Felipe as soon as possible, and after signing both could meet. kings, even Fernando accepting that the meeting place be Benavente, capital of the states of one of his greatest political enemies of the moment, Count Don Alonso Pimentel, if Cisneros finds it convenient, although keeping the appropriate precautions and security. He insists that the administration of the masterships and the rents that belong to him remain in his power, as if the rest of his rights were already considered lost. While the king and queen arrive in Benavente, he moves to the bull city:

"Because the delay in the conclusion of the concord between me and the king, my landlord, causes more alteration in the kingdom every day and greatly damages its peace, and once it breaks it would be bad to remedy. It seems to me that the concord that it should be established, it must be done without delay and it must be done in writing and that the king signs it and swears it, and you in my name, without consulting me, because I trust you so much that I know that you believe in This is what I would do if I were present, and because they say that the king and queen, my favorites, come to Benavente, I will go to Toro because it is close to them and it seems to me that once the king has sworn my commitment to concord, settle down to arrange for us to see each other later and get together, and when it seems to you that the visits should be in Benavente, I will trust the count with the certainty that you will take.I say all this just for your notice and so that without delay what has to be done is done, and when it is done, let me know by the posts.

In that of the administration of the masterships and in what is clearly mine, do not touch me in any way, and in everything else do as you see fit and then without consulting me, settle and sign and swear as I have said " .

At the same time, he sent a private note to his ambassadors to Felipe, who had informed him that one of the conditions for the visits between the two kings to take place was the delivery of the Duke of Alba as hostages, which made Fernando distrust the true intentions of their opponents:

What you say about the departure of the Duke of Almazán (I think it is a typo by the secretary and refers to Alba, since the title of Duke of Almazán was granted in 1698) know that they deceive you, because when you believe there that he was to come Don Juan Manuel, there was already a signed letter here from the king in which he said that he was not going to come and so the archbishop faith, and now to divert the archbishop's negotiation they ask someone else to come; I say it because what seems to be negotiated with so much deceit that it is not to be believed but what is seen by deed" .

And on the part of the secretary Almazán, although surely encouraged by the king, another letter is sent to the archbishop, warning him of the maneuvers of some nobles in Philip's court to hinder harmony:

The Condestable and Garçi Lasso, among the others, are weighed down by the fact that the king and his landlord agree, because they think they would earn more if they stayed with only the king, Don Felipe.

You should also know that Don Juan Manuel sent a letter to the Admiral that Yourself would not do anything and would not conclude any concert with him; and that Your Highness is determining to do the concert later as he writes it in his letter and if it is not done later, let what should be done be done by another way, and this will not stop him from doing it even if he were left alone with a sword and a cape in his hand, who thinks that, since he has reason and justice and has not been deceitful, and even if he struggles at first, that in the end God will give him victory and forces will arise from what people do not think. And I say that he later wants the conclusion or to know what fulfills him, because every day those who are close to him are drawing from him, and if his complaint were not declared and published in the kingdom, it would be done in another way.

I beg Your Excellency that no one feel this, but rather that You only say it for your notice and so that you conclude this and have it signed and sworn there without consulting His Highness.

In another letter "written by Miguel Pérez de Almazán the secretary, it can be suspected that the king made him write it" .

Still at this time they do not rule out in the court of Fernando that negotiations have to be broken off and armed conflict is inevitable, despite the fact that for the moment the Aragonese king does not want to publish the differences he has with the Flemish in the kingdom with the hope of conclude some agreement with his son-in-law, for which those threats transmitted by Secretary Almazán, possibly induced by Fernando, so that Cisneros transfers them to the opposite party, seem more like a bluff than a position of Strength.

The old monarch is seen as the last important people who made it up, such as the bishop of Toresano, Fray Diego de Deza, president of the Royal Council, who had been tutor to Prince Don Juan, or the Constable of Castile, leave the courtship, with great spite for Fernando for being his son-in-law. The chronicler Alcocer, who accompanied the Catholic king as a page for Pedro López de Padilla, procurator for Toledo, tells us about the Constable's defection:

"...I saw the Constable that the King was not happy and his secrets were with the Duke of Alva, he decided to go with the King Don Fhelipe, and from the Villa de la Vañeza, near Venavente, he left,... and , as the Duke of Alva saw his last will, he said. I said that I did not think you had honor until now that I see you lose" [27] .

During those days Fernando was verifying his isolation and the slights that the nobles tried to make. Anglería relates in his epistle addressed those days to the Archbishop of Granada and the Count of Tendilla that:

"Felipe -in the vast whirlwind of his advisers- completely neglected to go out to meet his father-in-law, who was waiting in Villafranca de Galicia, willing to welcome him very willingly. To avoid meeting his father-in-law he took another direction, from Compostela -Santiago's tomb-, through Ribadavia and Lemos, through the cracks of almost impassable mountains. Fernando in turn returned to Ponferrada. Knowing this, the Marquises of Astorga and the Count of Benavente, for whose lands they they supposed it was going to pass, they closed the gates of Astorga and Benavente... They published an edict in all the towns of their manors, by virtue of which they prohibited any of their neighbors from welcoming Fernando or providing him with food" [28] .

It coincides with the testimony of these snubs perpetrated by two of his most powerful enemies, the chronicler Bernáldez:

"In this turn they closed the gates of Astorga to the lodgers of King Fernando, and he went to lodge in Valduerna in a place they call Vanieça. And from there they went to pass a league and a half near an inn; these detours they made through the ports and mountains that could not walk" [29] .

From La Bañeza, Fernando offers his son-in-law's court the possibility of settling in a place near Benavente (possibly in Villafáfila) pending Felipe's expected arrival in Benavente to have a quiet interview, but his secret intentions are to go to Toro to prepare in that city for a possible outbreak of hostilities, as Zurita tells us, always well informed of the ups and downs of the Aragonese king:

"Then I sent King D. Felipe to say that because it had been known that he was coming to Benavente, he would go somewhere nearby, so that they could see each other, and in secret, although it seemed to him that it was late, to take At that time, such an undertaking against his son-in-law, in favor of the Queen, her daughter, and her right, he thought of going to the City of Toro, and joining there with the prelates and Lords who went with him, some men of war and publishing quarreling throughout the Kingdom, and together with his people I understand, to go wherever they took the Queen, and to work with force of arms to set her free, and to undertake the remedy of everything that would further harm" .

This is stated in some letters of warning that he sent " to the Lords, and Peoples who trust you to follow him ", in which he gave them an account of the queen's situation:

“ Other things have happened, and other things have happened in your contempt, and dishonor, that are not for your Naturals to hear; so much so that if a wife of vn Escudero was detained in this way, she was treated, she was considered very bad-tempered ”,

declaring the interest that, since before the death of Queen Elizabeth, her son-in-law had had.

“ to put the said Serenissima Reyna my fix in some house, or remote fortress, gave the guard; in that it seems that since then she had an end to having her freedom outside of her ”;

and stating his intention to resort to force, if he did not reach an agreement with his son-in-law:

“ I have deliberated, with the help of our Lord, to set her free, putting my person and State at all risk, as a father I should do it for a daughter ”;

“ In view of this, come with all the people of your house and land to wherever I want to be to join you with me, to free the Serenissima Reyna, my daughter .”

“ But this was before King Don Felipe tuuiesse if so declared the Great; and this was not so secret at the beginning, that the King did not demonstrate, that he did not want to be so neglected ” [30] .

King Fernando arrives in Matilla de Arzón, the first town in the current province of Zamora, where he finds himself on June 9 [31] and there it seems that he changes his mind and makes the decision to force events and not wait for it to be signed. a good concord to meet with his son-in-law, but to seek the meeting as soon as possible and through persuasion try to iron out the great differences that existed between them. The causes that did not move him to this change of attitude [32] were mainly:

"Seeing then, the King gathered almost the entire Kingdom against himself,... and they wished to see a change in the things of government; and considering that he was only four, and that he was so far from his Kingdoms, and that it was this time that he was not aware of the King of France, for what that case might be worth to him, and also that in these Kingdoms no war gear had been made, and above all, suspecting that the Great Captain was in love, as far as the Kingdom of Naples was concerned, and that if it were known around here that there was a war going on, that would be in great danger of being lost: for all these reasons he agreed to conceal it" .

and insisting on his willingness to meet with his children, he wrote to Felipe, telling him through a messenger that:

"Well, his coming to Benavente took so long, he wanted to go see him wherever he wanted me to run into him . "

Meanwhile, I sent an ambassador to the King of France to strengthen the alliance they had signed, and to ask him that in case the negotiations with his son-in-law ended in discord:

"then that the King of France put him in his states of Flanders, all the need and war that he could" .

Cisneros reached the king and queen in Orense, and according to Fernández de Retena, he carried out laborious steps to achieve the meeting of the two kings, but he realized that the situation was increasingly unfavorable for the old king, and from the Galician city He wrote to him, proposing that he go to take a good shelter in Toledo or Madrid or any other stronghold of his archbishopric, to buy time and give rise to a calmer concentration. But Fernando, who on that date was going through his lowest hours:

"He had lost much of the trust he placed in him and he was considered suspicious" [33] .

and he interpreted the letter as a trick of the prelate, and determined that in any case he wanted to meet Philip.

Another contemporary chronicler, the priest of Los Palacios, Andrés Bernáldez, gives us an account of Cisneros' attitude upon arriving at Philip's court, hinting at a certain hostility towards the primate:

“ So he sent the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Françisco Ximénez, to let him know how he was going to receive them and stay in such a place, that they should come there. King Don Felipe provided or had provided that the queen in no way see or speak to the king, her father; and so it was done. And the archbishop of Toledo did not return with the enbaxada to king don Fernando, but later joined the council of king don Felipe, and stayed with him ” [34] .

Fernando continued on his way through Zamora lands, surrounding Benavente by Santa Marta de Tera, heading to Ríonegro del Puente with the determination to see his children or to force the rupture:

"...because he was determined to see him in any case, and even if he responded by diverting or postponing the visits, he would go straight to where he was" [35] .

and awaiting the answer, he went ahead, trusting that a meeting at the summit would eliminate the misgivings and the respect that he assumed from his children would lead to a satisfactory agreement.

But the firm will of Flemish was for Fernando to abandon Castile, so that he could govern it without interference, and in Orense he empowered Don Juan Manuel and Juan de Luxemburg, Lord of Vila, to agree with Cisneros in La Concordia, sending his father-in-law the I beg you to desist from the interview until he arrives in Benavente and the terms of agreement are established. However, Fernando insisted on a personal meeting before signing the definitive agreement.

At first it was thought to deal with the differences in Santiago de Compostela, so Fernando, from Villafranca del Bierzo, as far as he had gone, with the purpose of seeing his children as soon as possible, sent the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, with the broadest powers to be able to reach a new agreement that would replace the one of Salamanca, without ruling out a possible recourse to arms to resolve the issue:

On June 13, Fernando was in Ríonegro del Puente, where he received letters from Cisneros informing him of the negotiations, and in which he expressed the concern that was created in Felipe's court upon learning of the preparations he had arranged. Fernando stops in case of rupture and the convenience of sending a signed and sealed certificate stating that he has not arranged or negotiated with nobles or with cities any agreement to go against Felipe. From there he writes [36] to his ambassadors announcing his willingness to meet his unarmed son-in-law, asking them to dispel the distrust created among Philip's supporters, and warning them of the maneuvers of some great men, especially the Constable, who had played to two decks:

"This afternoon for two posts I have received a letter and two from the Archbishop of X and XI of the present, I answer him clearly as you will see the pleasure I have had in knowing that things are already in hands and that I will continue my way until run into and get together with the king and the queen, my fixed, and assy I will do it in such a way that not all those who hinder it can hinder it.

In addition to this, tell the archbishop that this from my and there I do it to follow his vote and advice, which is that he trusts me entirely, and also because I see and believe that this is the health for all these businesses; You will tell him more than those who there have said that I provide, that it is not true, as has already been written to him, that some things were ordered in case they were necessary to be put into work, but that my end being ordered was not so that they were put into work, except that however well they were ordered to please the constable, who requested it and stirred it up strangely, and then I did not think that he did it to cause discord, but, in short, you can certify that nothing on my part of it has been put into work and in the whole kingdom there will be no letter or missive or line of mine that touches on this matter.

And although going alone in the way that I go to the king, my sure, it was true that I did not have to sign anything, but for the greater satisfaction of the archbishop who so zealously desires our harmony, I send here signed and sealed the document that he demands and it will please me that, as he says, he collects another such from the king, my definite, but that for me and I will not wait for the said certificate or anything else and that, since on my part nothing is dated or provided, nor sent large castes or cities or date anything else, that it is good that the archbishop provides his own that if anything has been provided by the king, my sure, for the purpose of discord he suspends them and sends for the provisions or messengers, if some were sent , because he does not make any alteration in the kingdom, that when we are together, if God pleases,All things will be provided without alteration and as it complies with the peace and good of the kingdom.

The constable did and said many things here trying to get other great men and knights to get together and take an oath with him, to prevent there from being concord between me and the king, my dear, and that if they could not prevent it, they would take an oath with him so that they would take the queen's voice against the king, my fixed, and against me, and certainly I could not believe such a thing and I only say it so that the archbishop is warned, that I believe that what the constable sought here, he will seek it better there, because he will find more who will follow him for it. It is also said that he is going with the trick of concluding with Don Juan Manuel and giving his son the Castilnovo encomienda that I gave him so that he can better hinder harmony by his hand. Be aware of everything and do not participate in any of this except to the archbishop.

It seems good to me that you don Pedro come later and that you Fernando de la Vega and the commander stay there" .

Along with these instructions to his ambassadors, he signs and seals a certificate of promise not to seek alliances with prelates, or grandees, or attorneys of the cities and towns, or with them, to go against Felipe, and that his true intention is try to reach harmony by all means, as Cisneros had recommended that he send, to allay Felipe's misgivings:

Because it has always been and will be my desire that between me and the most serene King Don Felipe and Queen Doña Juana, and princes, very dear and beloved, there be much and very true and perpetual peace and union and concord as is reason and as I wish. I have not done nor have the will to ever do anything against this, but for further compliance I hereby promise in very good faith, and a real word that I will not innovate anything with the pearls and greats or with the attorneys of the courts of the cities and town of these kingdoms nor with the same cities and towns, nor will I try anything else of compromise nor so that there is discord between the very and the said most serene king, my dear, before I hope that by seeing each other and getting together they will end up making our harmony so that it is lasting and perpetual thing as it should be between father and fixed,for security which I signed the present of my hand and I ordered it to be sealed with the seal of my camera.

That same day Felipe is in Verín, from where he sends three gentlemen to separate his father-in-law from the purpose he had and tell him that, when he arrives in Benavente, he will order the way of seeing himself, he also informs him that:

“There was so much sterility in that land of maintenance and so poor collection of inns that it would be very laborious to be able to pass with so many people,... Other than that, they had been ordered that if they happened to run into His Highness there in Galicia, or in Senabria, They should try to get them to return to the flat land, or at least move to another part of the road, because they would not see each other, but with all peace and pleasure, and when they wanted it ”.

The journey of Felipe's procession was made with many hardships as testified by the anonymous author of the Second Journey of Felipe el Hermoso [37] :

"But you must understand that the said mountains were not passed by such a large number of people and so much baggage without great work, expense and misery, and that several lost their chests, trunks and baggage... there were many of the accompaniment who did not have their chests until fifteen days after the king's arrival at said Benavente" .

After many negotiations between the three commissioners for Concord, it was agreed that Don Juan Manuel, Don Juan de Luxemburg on behalf of Felipe, and Cisneros on behalf of Fernando, on June 14 it was agreed that the kings would hold an interview prior to the completion of the concord negotiations, and for this the Duke of Alba traveled to Puebla de Sanabria to remain hostage while the interview was held:

“ The thing about the views was done and that along the way they would agree, to leave on flat land. But Felipe's put as a condition that for greater security the Duke of Alba remain hostage. Consenting to this, the King stopped in Rionegro, and in the meantime the King Archduke arrived in Puebla de Sanabria, and he went to a place called Asturianos and from there the Duke went to Puebla ” [38] .

The itinerary of entry into the province of Zamora of the procession of the Catholic, estimated at two hundred people, is very confusing, since the sources differ in their references.

According to the dates of the RGS documents, on June 13 the Court was in Santa Marta, Zurita places it in Rionegro, and Bernáldez says:

“And so they were straight, in that he entered where King Don Felipe came from, up to a little place they call Esturianos, of up to fifty times. And they put up tents there, and King Fernando was there for eight days. He arrived there on Monday to eat, and that same day King Felipe entered Puebla de Senabria ” [39] .

according to this, it arrived in Asturianos on the 15th, agreeing with the RGS that dates that day in Asturianos, although the following day it makes the date in Cernadilla, so it cannot be ruled out that, since that land lacks resources to host so many people, the different courtiers will distribute themselves to all those nearby places looking for their accommodation. The dates of the records of the Crown of Aragon between June 15 and 20 are located in Asturianos [40] , according to Fernández de Retana:

“ The next day (June 17) King Felipe entered Puebla de Sanabria, the first town of some importance in the province of Zamora, while the Catholic arrived in Asturianos, two leagues from there” [41] .

Alcocer is the one that differs the most from the itinerary because it places Fernando's starting point, to go to the interview with his father-in-law in Anta de Rioconejos:

“ And the Constable, the King Don Fernando, went to receive the King and Queen, their children, and entered Galicia to a place called Llanta de Conexos, where he stopped, and there the views of the King and Queen were arranged in the countryside between Puebla of Sanabria and the said place, and that they saw themselves as kings of Castile and Aragon. And to negotiate and deal with this he came to King Don Fernando Don Juan Manuel, who did not want to come without the Duke of Alva being held hostage by King Don Phelipe and so it was done ”.

“ After many comings and goings of mail, after several compromises of the ambassadors and many steps along the roads, it was agreed that they would meet in the gorges in front of Galicia where Felipe and his wife came, in the fields of Sanabria. Thus, leaving Felipe from Puebla de Sanabria - stronghold - and Fernando from the small village of Río Negro, they met in the insignificant little town of Remesal ”.

Although the news from Anglería seems to refer to Rionegro del Puente, due to the context I think that, rather, it could be about Rionegrito, located between Anta and Remesal, since the interview takes place in Remesal, halfway between Anta de Rioconejos and Puebla. , about eight kilometers from both, and farther from Rionegro del Puente, almost thirty kilometers.

Felipe entered the province of Zamora on the 17th, Wednesday, because the night before he had come to sleep in Villavieja, the last town in Orense, and from there Don Juan Manuel and the Lord of Vila went ahead to meet with Fernando and specify the details of the visits.

There are several versions of the visit, but almost all agree that it took place on June 20 in the Remesal field. The kings attended the same with great disparity of retinues and disposition, since Felipe accompanied him with a multitude of armed people, both those who had come with him from Flanders, and those who had been joining him since his arrival in La Coruña. . Ferdinand was accompanied by a retinue of two hundred people from his house and court and some nobles from his kingdom.

According to Bernáldez's version, the date of the hearing is wrong, although a marginal note in his manuscript corrects it:

“And they saw each other on Monday fifteen days of July, between Sanabria and Esturianos, on a plain, in some fallow land, in a sparse oak grove. And close to each other, to the courtesies, thus riding, they wanted to kiss each other's hands, and thus they walked around a little. And then they embraced each other, and the king and queen were there for a long time, and together with them Mosior de Bere, enbaxador and relative of King Felipe, and the archbishop of Toledo, and the admiral and the duke of Alva and the commander Pedro de Baçan , lord of Balduerna. All the other great men and knights were outside and armed, all the ones below their coats, and some above them, publicly... King Fernando called the Count of Benavente, going to kiss his hand, hugged him and said :

He replied that walking with time. And that same to the Duke of Nájera said certain words. And he said to the Commander Major Don Garcilaso;

" The battles and ordinances of the people of King Don Felipe were on the Senabria side, in which more than three million men stood up, with their pikes, of whom he had brought from Flanders. There were also many people from Galicia and from Castile, and many cavalrymen, all in war dress, of those who had gone to the reception. King Ferdinand had with him only the aforementioned cavalleros, who left Valladolid with him, and the officers of his house ."

According to Pedro de Alcocer, the events unfolded as follows, opposing the hostility of the son-in-law and the willingness of the father-in-law to dialogue:

“ Once the hearings were arranged, the King Don Fernando left the Anta de Conexos and went with the King, Diego Fernandez de Cordova, Alcaide de los Donçeles, first Marques de Comares, and Don Garci Lopez de Padilla, Major Commander of Calatrava, and his brother Pero Lopez de Padilla, Court Attorney for the city of Toledo and Hernando de Vega, Major Commander of Castile, and many other Cavalleros, Court Attorneys and other Aragonese, Valençians, Catalans and Neapolitans.

Going along the road, the Rei saw a paxe of the Alcaide de los Donçeles with a spear and a shield, and told the alcaide to make that paxe return, because, to what was there, more had to be negotiated with words than with weapons, and the warden sent him back.

King Don Fernando bequeathed to a plain where it was arranged that they meet, when he knew that King Don Phelipe was coming, he ordered all the Cavalleros to be put in order, in the manner of a street, leaving an entrance, through which the Knights who came with him King Don Phelipe could get to where he was, and King Don Phelipe being likewise with a thousand Germans of his guard armed with coseletes and pikes and arquebuses, then the greats and Knights came, their people well armed with secrecy and the paxes with the other Weapons.

The commander of Leon, Garçilaso de la Vega, arrived there wearing black satin breastplates and stepped forward, and shortly afterward the Duke of Najera arrived... Then Don Françisco Ximenez, Archbishop of Toledo, friar of the order of Saint Françisco, and made great respect to the King and insisted on kissing his hand, and the King spoke to him and hugged him lovingly, and likewise to the ambassador of the King of Romans " .

“ After this, the Kings got together and came to talk. King Don Fernando was dressed in scarlet purple and a chestnut quartago and King Don Phelipe was dressed in velvet with gold fringes and brocade; King Don Fernando said to King Don Phelipe: whoever was in charge was to speak, and King Don Pelipe told him that whoever wanted. With this, the two Kings and the Archbishop of Toledo and the ambassador of the King of Romans and Don Juan Manuel and the secretary Miguel Perez de Almaçan parted to speak under an oak. The speech was very brief and the goodbyes were unhappy ”.

Pedro Mártir de Anglería in his letter to the Count of Tendilla and the Archbishop of Granada, quoted above, gives an account of the interview:

“ They precede Felipe before the eyes of his father-in-law, in perfect formation, about a thousand armed flamingos, who surround Fernando as if they wanted to arrest him and take him prisoner. Felipe finally appears. Father-in-law and son-in-law begin to walk to meet each other, the first without any weapon, the second fully armed . From a distance it seemed that the son-in-law was speaking to the father-in-law in harsh and hostile tones. I deduced that from Felipe's way of gesturing ”.

“From Asturianos, and Puebla, the Kings came out to see each other in an oak grove in a baruechos of a farmhouse that they call Remessal, with a great inequality of accompaniment, because King Catholico went with his family in a habit of peace, and the King his son-in-law came with great apparatus, and the roar of warriors, Germans and Flemish... The battles of the warriors brought by King Don Felipe in which there were more than two thousand soldiers with pikes were arranged on the side of Puebla de Senabria. those who came from Flanders ... and many companies of horsemen, all on the verge of war, with those who had gone with the Grandees of Castile to the reception, which was very select, and very lucid people, and up to a thousand passed by. Germans well in order, as if to reconnoitre the field, and make sure, and get to their fort.Then followed all the knights of the Court of King Don Felipe and finally he came on horseback and with secret weapons, accompanied by his guard, and in his rear came the Archers, and other companies of noblemen.

King Catholico was accompanied very differently, and he took with him the Duke of Alua, and some Lords without the knights of his House, and his Officials, who would all be up to two hundred mules, without any weapons, and the Kings arrived, doing great courtesy. ..

Together with them, the Archbishop of Toledo, the Duke of Alua, the Admiral of Castile, who came to be in the hearings, the Lord of Vere, and Pedro de Baçan, Lord of Valduerna, and all the other Greats were separated, and most of them with their coraças, and jacos under the clothes, and some more uncovered. ...

But he could not hide so much feeling... and what was more serious, that they did not want to give him the opportunity to see the Reyna, his daughter who remained in Puebla, and so they were secretly more discouraged and exasperated in their spirits than before. . ...

The talks were very brief, because although King Don Felipe had been very instructed in what he had to do, and say,... his own, especially Don Iuan Manuel, they did not trust to leave them alone, fearing they would not be disillusioned by the great prudence and morning of his father-in-law. These views were from Saturday to XX of the month of June of this year of MDVI.

The anonymous person who recounts the second trip of Felipe el Hermoso tells us his version of the encounter:

"King Don Felipe, on a Saturday morning, June 20, left the said place of Sanabria and walked through the countryside for a good league from there, accompanied by so many dukes, counts, marquises, barons and knights, that it was beautiful thing to see, and about six hundred Germans, very kind companions and very on point, with a hundred horse archers and a hundred German knights on foot, all of their guard.And King Ferdinand of Aragon left his lodging very early and he rode about a league, accompanied by some princes and about two hundred horses. And they met each other in the field and talked together . "

For his part, Fernández de Retana, based on the testimony of the secretary of Cisneros, Vallejo, differs in terms of the framework of his development, since he says that:

“ After His Highness King Felipe had heard mass, he departed from the aforementioned town of Sanabria, and with him many musiores and knights, who with His Highness came from Flanders, and many other lords from Castile... before His Highness came out, up to 3,000 Germans, men of war, among whom would be the 2,500 pikemen and the 500 gunmen... And then after them came the horse guard, who were 200 lanças... and in the middle of all They came the aforementioned very serene and powerful King don Filippo, our lord, who was brought in the middle by the Most Reverend Lord Archbishop of Toledo, who came to the right hand, and the magnificent Lord Don Juan Manuel, his accountant and majordomo mayor and grand private ”.

"up to 200 pack of mules, none of which came on horseback, all with their black hoods, with their swords and their headdresses, as a great peace."

Fernández de Retana maintains that the ceremonious interview took place in a miserable hermitage that was there and that Don Juan Manuel wanted to be present at it, which Archbishop Cisneros prevented him from doing:

“ Mr. Don Juan Manuel, because Their Highnesses will want to speak, let's give them room, and I want to be the doorman and guard the door. And so his Most Reverend Lordship closed the door of the hermitage with its lock, and went to sit on a bench where the most serene kings, father and son, were. Where all three were well two big hours talking ”.

From the content of the conversation, he tells us that King Ferdinand was advising his son-in-law on how to govern the kingdoms, and on the disposition and quality of the Grandees of Castile, earnestly begging him to have Cisneros as his best adviser. It is strange that Vallejo is the only one to mention the hermitage in this first interview, and based on the content of the talks, he seems rather to be referring to the second meeting that, according to Bernáldez, took place in a hermitage near Barcial's boat, or to the views that took place in the sacristy of the church of Renedo a few days after the Concord, according to other chroniclers, and in which the general matters of the good governance of the kingdom were dealt with.The King, my landlord, and I saw each other in the field ” [42] .

There is also a certain disparity in what happened after this first interview in contemporary sources. It seems that they said goodbye without having yet reached an agreement on the Concordia and returned to their respective starting points, meanwhile the negotiation continued, as Cisneros followed Felipe trying to settle and capitulate the precise terms of the definitive agreement.

According to Alcocer [43] , that he was at the service of Pedro López de Padilla, Toledo's representative in the Cortes, who accompanied King Fernando until Remesal's interview, and then was forced to continue with Don Felipe's entourage :

“ King Don Fernando went to Anta de Conexos and had not finished eating, when the hosts of King Don Phelipe arrived with such haste and arrogance, that the King got up from the table and rode and went to Valladolid with much sentiment ” .

He ignores the vicissitudes of Fernando since he hastily leaves Anta de Rioconejos, until Renedo's interview, because Pedro López de Padilla is forced by the new king to accompany him to his court and it is to be assumed that Alcocer, his servant, follows him:

“ And while I was there in Anta de Conexos, I received an order from King Don Phelipe to Pero López de Padilla, procurator in these courts for Toledo, not to go with the King of Aragon, but to follow the King of Castile ”.

Pedro Mártir de Anglería, who came from La Coruña accompanying Felipe, in Remesal joins again the small entourage that from there escorts King Fernando to Villafáfila, tells us that :

“They return, devouring their discontent, the father-in-law to Río Negro, the son-in-law to the small village of Asturias. It was agreed that Fernando should leave the kingdoms of Castile and he was not allowed to see his daughter. In this way, Felipe's people withdrew proudly with the pretensions achieved by him; Crying, however, and half fainted by so much wickedness, those of Fernando. To add bad to bad, that same afternoon Fernando received a mail asking him not to hinder Felipe's traffic through the places he has to cross and to give way to him. Felipe returned to Benavente and Fernando to Villafáfila ”.

“and the King joined Asturianos and the King, his son-in-law, went to Puebla de Senabria, from where they sent him to tell the King with great impoliteness, that because the King Felipe was coming to Benavente, it would be good, because he would not It made his road difficult for him, so he moved his to another part, and he spent another day in Santa Martha. On the same day, King Don Felipe wrote a letter to the King, in which he gave him hope that things would come to a good harmony, and it was from his hand, of this tenor:

I came so angry from poluo, and from the narrow path, that up to this hour I have had to do; and because it is already late, to reach Astutians, it has been necessary to leave, and so I have not been able to do what I wanted, although I have spoken with the Archbishop, and we agreed on this, that your Highness leave tomorrow to sleep at three, or Four leagues from that place where it is, and I and the Queen will also go to sleep tomorrow at the same place so that we can reach Benavente on Saint Ioan's Eve. I beg your Highness to go for good, that the Archbishop only speak with your Highness in business, as far as Benavente, and then from there I will send the others to Villafáfila, where your Highness will be, and everything will be concluded there without delay, because true I do not want it in this case. Keep our Lord, and prosper your Royal person, and State. From Puebla de Sanabria,.

Another copy of this letter appears to be in the Salazar collection, A.12, of the Royal Academy of History [45] .

It can be deduced from this text that the stay in Villafáfila until the Concordia was carried out was decided at the Remesal hearings, and this is implicitly confirmed by the chronicler of the second trip [46] :

"And after some conversations between them regarding their affairs, they agreed that King Felipe would send his deputies to a certain place, four leagues away, near Benavente, where King Fernando had retired" .

It may have been an imposition from Felipe's court, but I am more inclined to think that it would have been proposed by Fernando when he was in El Bierzo and decided to go back to Castile, because according to Zurita referring to those days:

“He sent to the Archbishop, to establish everything that concerned him, about the government, and together with this he left Villafranca, without going forward; and in public he went to tell King Don Felipe, that because he had known that he was going to Benauente, he was going to some place nearby, so that they could be seen there, and in the meantime he could settle everything with the Archbishop ”.

The reason that the place offered was Villafáfila was due to the fact that the king could await the arrival of Felipe in Benavente there, comfortably seated in a villa of the Order of Santiago, of which he was its administrator, with enough neighborhood to be able to suffer the guests of the royal entourage. But bearing in mind that then, Fernando's secret purpose included the possibility of going to Toro:

“ But secretly, although it was too late to take action against King Don Felipe at that time, in favor of the Queen, his daughter, and her rights, but he was thinking of going to the City of Toro and meeting there with the Prelates and Lords who went with him, some people of war and published a complaint throughout the Kingdom, and having his people together, go wherever they took the Queen, and work with force of arms to set her free, and undertake the remedy of everything that else conuiniera ”;

Villafáfila, which was strategically located, next to the Vereda de Benavente a Toro, a little closer to the first, could serve as a starting point for both an interview in Benavente and a hasty departure for Toro.

Following Fernando's route from Remesal to Villafáfila and from Felipe to Benavente that emerges from the documentation, on the same day of the visits the flamenco left Puebla to spend the night in Asturianos, and the Aragonese left Asturianos to sleep, possibly in Rionegro del Bridge, since it seems that the daily journey was three or four leagues, to arrive on the 21st at Santa Marta de Tera, where documents from the Aragonese Foreign Ministry are dated that day. We also know from Zurita that on June 21 the king was in Santa Marta de Tera when he sent a letter to Gonzalo Fernández de Córdova, the Great Captain, to offer him the mastership of the Order of Santiago. At that time Fernando was suspicious of the Great Captain, who was in the kingdom of Naples, conquered for the Aragonese crown with Castilian soldiers and money. Given the uncertainty of the Concordia with his son-in-law, ensuring the conquest of Naples, against the traditional desires of France, as a virtual intervention of Maximilian from the domains of the Habsburgs, was the main priority of Fernando. For this reason, in addition to that offer that included substantial income, in secret, the Aragonese king, from the same place in Santa Marta and dated on the 22nd, sent his bastard son, the Archbishop of Zaragoza, a letter stating that moved to Naples, with great accompaniment, among which was the one who those days was the commander of Castrotorafe and Villafáfila, Don Alonso de Aragón, Duke of Villahermosa, and cousin of the king, with the task of achieving the arrest of the Great Captain. Faced with the traditional wishes of France, such as a virtual intervention by Maximilian from the Habsburg domains, it was Ferdinand's main priority. For this reason, in addition to that offer that included substantial income, in secret, the Aragonese king, from the same place in Santa Marta and dated on the 22nd, sent his bastard son, the Archbishop of Zaragoza, a letter stating that moved to Naples, with great accompaniment, among which was the one who those days was the commander of Castrotorafe and Villafáfila, Don Alonso de Aragón, Duke of Villahermosa, and cousin of the king, with the task of achieving the arrest of the Great Captain. Faced with the traditional wishes of France, such as a virtual intervention by Maximilian from the Habsburg domains, it was Ferdinand's main priority. For this reason, in addition to that offer that included substantial income, in secret, the Aragonese king, from the same place in Santa Marta and dated on the 22nd, sent his bastard son, the Archbishop of Zaragoza, a letter stating that moved to Naples, with great accompaniment, among which was the one who those days was the commander of Castrotorafe and Villafáfila, Don Alonso de Aragón, Duke of Villahermosa, and cousin of the king, with the task of achieving the arrest of the Great Captain.

From Santa Marta, Fernando would leave early on the 22nd, since the distance to Villafáfila was somewhat greater than four leagues, and that day at night Felipe and his retinue would arrive, who would leave on the 23rd, arriving at the Count's villa on St. John as planned:

"The Kings continued on their way three, and four leagues from each other, and they always tried to concord; and although King Don Felipe had in Benavente the festival of San Ioan, where he was given a great reception, and celebration, Stopped in the land of the Count, and of the Marquis of Astorga, the King, by his separate path, did not fail to mouer all the means that could induce his son-in-law to agree to an honest party" .

Dismissed from there, King Fernando returned to Benavente, Villafáfila, and stayed there. The king and queen came with the Count of Benavente to Benavente, where he held many parties; and he was a king of the another four leagues. And another Thursday after Sant Juan some say that they saw each other and spoke for the second time, in a hermitage, on the Barçial boat ."

I have only found the reference to this interview before the signing of the final concord in the chronicle of the priest of Los Palacios, but for this reason it should not be ruled out, since Zurita, citing the sorrow it caused in Fernando after Remesal's visits The fact that Felipe's court indicated the days he had to travel until he reached Villafáfila, in addition to the intermediaries who would understand the conclusion of the agreement, tells us:

"And so it was not wanted for him to admit that Place of visits that was once again offered to him" .

The arrival of King Ferdinand's court in Villafáfila must have occurred on June 22, as Zurita reports: " the King being in Villafáfila twenty-third of the month of June "; and already that day from there a letter is sent to the viceroy of Sicily about the provision of the judges of the Great Court of that kingdom [47] . Possibly the lodgers would have arrived earlier to look for the lodgings, without ruling out the arrival of some courtiers, such as Pedro Mártir de Anglería, who dates one of his epistles " From Villafáfila, from the parcel of Santiago, to June 20, 1506 ", although it seems very strange to me that on the same day of the visits, in which he was present, he arrived in Villafáfila.

Bearing in mind that the Católico did not pass through Benavente, " it went around Benavente ", the voyage of the Esla river had to be done by one of the boats that crossed the river, either in the Barcial boat or the Bretocino boat belonging to to the monks of Moreruela or further from Benavente for the one that worked at that time in Quintos, on the road from Távara to Villafáfila. But it is possible that taking advantage of the low water, since the year 1506 was very dry, crossing the river on horseback through the ford that existed near Barcial, since there was no bridge from Benavente to Ricobayo, therefore, both the Priorat Bridge, between Villaveza and Milles, like the Castrotorafe bridge, had collapsed.

The Concordia deals were carried out by don Juan Manuel, Archbishop Cisneros and Juan de Luxemburg, a Flemish nobleman of Philip's greatest confidence, who had received the order of "Toison d'Or" in Brussels in 1501, Mr. de vila (Ville) chief waiter of the kings, "positions by both parties to understand in this negotiation”, who would travel daily from Benavente to Villafáfila to discuss the proposals and counterproposals with Fernando. The last-minute negotiations must have been arduous, since oral tradition tells us that their voices were so loud that, from the church of San Martín, where they were meeting, they could be heard in the house that in the Plaza Mayor had Don Pedro Pimentel's widow, Doña Inés Enríquez, first cousin of the king, where he was probably staying. The accommodation of all the companions of him, both nobles, as pages and squires, had to be done in the houses of the residents of the town.

Although hidalgos and clerics were exempt from the obligation to take guests in their house [48] , since many of them were nobles or clerics of high rank, it is possible that a hierarchy of lodging was made, and the nobles stayed in the house of noblemen and the clergymen in the houses of the local clergymen, receiving the pecheros to the pages and companions.

During the king's stay in Villafáfila he continued to dispatch various matters of his patrimonial kingdoms, between June 23 and 26, as evidenced by various provisions recorded in the records in itinerum and the secret seal in itinerum [49] .

Meanwhile, in Benavente Felipe and Juana were housed and entertained in their palace by Don Alonso Pimentel, Count of Benavente, one of the greats of Castile, integrated into his side from the beginning:

“the King Don Phelipe came to Venavente, where the Count gave him great parties, and there the King would like to celebrate the courts and arrest the Queen, if one thing that I will say later did not hinder him, ... while the King and the Queen were in the town of Venavente, one day, after eating, the Queen wanted to go to the Pavos forest to relax and the Count of Venavente and the Marquis of Villena went with their license and stayed there for a long time. The King was at this time in Palaçio. The Queen, as she had been in the guelga for a long time, came to the town to a Pastry Girl's house and sat there on the threshold of the door, because someone told her that the King wanted her to leave Benavente and govern alone and , as they told the King, he went to where the Queen was, whom he, nor the great ones, could move from there, to where he slept,” [50] .

Another anecdote from those days tells us Fernández de Retana, following Gómez de Castro:

“ Great festivities were celebrated in Benavente on the occasion of the arrival of King Felipe, which lasted fifteen days. A curious event occurred in one of them. Cisneros arrived at the city square with part of his entourage, at the time the bullfight was about to begin, attended by King Felipe and the entire court. The bull's exit signal had already been played, when the Archbishop passed through the ring, and the brave animal appeared before him. Cisneros continued walking without flinching, with his resolute and firm step, while those of his entourage tried to get to safety, not without some being spectacularly rolled over by the beast, and more would have happened, without the intervention of the royal ministers, who killed to the bull.

When Cisneros arrived at the King's dais, Felipe asked him laughing, - if he had been frightened. To which the Prelate replied simply:- no; for I always trust in the aid of royal ministers. And addressing Count Pimentel, he told him: -that he seriously admonish his bailiffs, for another time: they should have more account with the life of the public. To which he replied laughing: - as soon as you touch the exit, sir, there is no other recourse than to save yourself who can." [51] .

“Don Felipe was in Benauente for the feast of San Ioan, where he was given a great reception and a feast” .

In addition to recreational activities, the new king continued to deal with ordinary government affairs during his stay in Benavente on the 26th, signing a document addressed to the Royal Chancery of Valladolid so that they could receive guests from the royal entourage, without prejudice to his privileges, since he was preparing to arrive at the Castilian city with his court [52] .

What was capitulated and signed in Villafáfila after such laborious negotiations was reflected in an introduction, ten epigraphs and the ratification.

In the introduction, reference is made to the fact that it is a capitulation of peace, harmony and friendship and perpetual union, agreed between both kings of Aragon and Castile, for the service of God, good of their kingdoms and so that everyone Let the great love and the very close union, friendship and confederation between the two be manifest. This was what Ferdinand was most interested in at the moment: giving the impression in his kingdom and throughout Europe that he maintained a close alliance with the King of Castile, his son-in-law.

Draft of the agreements signed by King Ferdinand in Villafáfila, AGSPRC 56-27-1173V

This is the last treaty signed between the crowns of Aragon and Castile as sovereign kingdoms, but recognizing the Spanish character of both states, under the same patronage of Santiago Apóstol: " e del apostol Señor Santiago, patron of our Spain" .

In the first point, King Ferdinand expressly renounces the governance of the kingdoms of the Crown of Castile and any right he may claim to it, in favor of Don Felipe and Doña Juana, their children, and, in the event of death, illness or refusal or impossibility of Queen Juana to take charge of the government, it is left to King Felipe forever and ever. And he does it because reason and justice want it that way and because of the love he has for them, putting the peace and good of the kingdom before any interest of his own, and because he does not want wars and dissension to arise over it, taking into account how much time, effort and work he put into achieving and maintaining peace, and considering that they will be better governed by their children alone, than by the three of them together. For this reason, since Queen Elizabeth died,

The second point recognizes Fernando's right to collect half of the rents, profits and interests of the Indies, to receive ten hundredor millions of maravedís, located in the alcabalas of the masterships, and to the full and sole administration, by apostolic authority, of the masterships of Santiago, Calatrava and Alcántara. For this reason, King Felipe undertakes to let them receive them freely, and to facilitate the administration of the military orders and the free exercise of jurisdiction over the lands and their vassals, and the appointment and filling of vacancies that occur in the prioratizations, encomiendas, claverías and other positions. King Ferdinand undertakes, for his part, to appoint and fill vacancies that occur within the territories of the royal crown of Castile with natives of these kingdoms, to show the love he has always had for the natives of the kingdoms of Castile.

The third point deals with the coordination of the ambassadors of both kings before the Holy See, to work in favor of getting the Pope to grant the administration of the masterships of the military orders, after the days of King Ferdinand, to the kings of Castile, making union and perpetual annexation of the same to the crown.

Fourthly, they agree to make a treaty of peace, friendship, alliance and perpetual confederation of friend and enemy, between both kings, and undertake to help each other for the defense, conservation and pacification of their respective states, including Flanders and Naples, as if the case was their own, being paid that help by whoever requests it. They propose to send this capitulation to the emperor-elect, Maximilian of Habsburg, so that he may participate in this treaty of union and friendship.

They establish reciprocal diplomatic assistance before the Holy Father, in all matters concerning their crowns, so that in Rome, and throughout the world, the union that exists between them is known.

They agree that if any of the subjects of any of them try to go against what was agreed, they will be punished by the corresponding king.

They agree to help each other in one of the tasks that Queen Elizabeth had left in her will: the war against the infidels; with people, maintenance and ships, at the expense of those who demand help.

They agree that those who have been servants of both kings are held by the other as good and loyal servants, without harm or prejudice being done to them. This chapter is aimed at avoiding reprisals against the Castilians who had remained faithful to Fernando, until the last moments and remained with their people and states under the lordship of Felipe.

They express the pre-eminence of these capitulations over any other treaty or commitment that both parties had made previously or would make in the future with any prince or lord and to give more validity to the capitulation, they agree that they be sworn to by the attorneys of the Courts of Castile that are convened, and will be held in Valladolid in the coming days.

The capitulation was granted, sworn to and ratified by the Catholic King in the now defunct church of San Martín de Villafáfila [53] , before the three negotiators as witnesses and sealed with the seal of the royal arms of Aragon, with the King's secretary acting as scribe. , Miguel Perez de Almazan.

" The King celebrated this concord twenty-seventh June, placing his hands on the altar of the Villafáfila Church, with the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Ioan Manuel, and the Lord of Vila being present, who understood in the seat della by both parties, and the following day King Felipe swore it in Benauente".

" The incapacity of Doña Juana was also declared, and consequently the government and regiment of the kingdom remained exclusively in charge of Don Felipe, in such a way that if she, by herself or by the induction of others, wanted or tried one day to meddle in the government of the State, the two kings bound themselves to prevent it and to give each other mutual aid to hinder it" .

Of course, this does not follow from the text of the public capitulation, since the queen's incapacity is mentioned as conditional:

“ Moreover, if she were to incur any serious illness, or because she did not want to or could not understand and occupy herself with the governance of these kingdoms, or, if God disposed of her leading this life, which He did not like, from now on, in In all said cases, he wants and is pleased to leave and leave the said governance of these kingdoms to the said Lord King Don Felipe, now and forever and ever .”

Which seems to indicate that there would be secret clauses outside the capitulation, verbal or that they did not want to make public to avoid problems with the subjects. Zurita, the most exhaustive chronicler of these events, confirms it for us in his work:

" There was another thing in this concord so apropos of King Don Felipe, which was no less good for him, than to remove the King of Castile, with which he was so absolute, and free to reign, that he could not be left anymore, if he inherited those Reynos as legitimate successor. This was the signing of a secret clause in which the incapacity of Queen Doña Juana to reign was declared, for which she was permanently disqualified from the government of Castile. Many of those who knew this clause in her Philip's side greatly displeased the Constable and Admiral more than all, and a great deal of dissension arose among them ."

The full text of the clause, published by the Aragonese chronicler [55] signed by Felipe and sealed with the royal seal, the original of which is preserved in the Simancas General Archive, Patronato Real section, Caja 56, doc. 27-2 the tenor of which is as follows:

"Don Felipe by the grace of God King of Castile, of Leon, of Granada, &c. Prince of Aragon, and of the Two Sicilies, &c. Archduke of Austris, Duke of Burgundy, and of Brauante, &c. Count of Flanders, and of the Tyrol,&c. Let us let those who see this know, that on this day of this date, a certain capitulation of friendship, and union, and concord between Us, and the Serenissimo Prince, Mr. Ferdinand, King of Aragon, of the Two Sicilies, &c . our father, and for honesty, and what he owes to the honor of the Serenissima Reyna, our very dear, and very beloved woman, some things and causes were not expressed there; She agrees to know, like the said Serenissima Reyna our woman, in no way does she want to deal with, or understand in any kind of regiment, or governorship, or anything else, and even if she wanted to do it,

Wanting to try, and remedy, and avoid the said damages and inconsistencies that could follow from this, it was agreed, and settled between Us, and the said Lord King our father, that in the event that the said Serenissima Reyna our wife by herself, or induced by any person of any state, or condition that they were, wanted, or wanted to interfere in the said capitulation, that We, nor the said Lord King our father, will not consent to it, rather we will be very agreeable in remedying it, and Being required for this by the other, we will help each other, and we will give help against any Great Ones, or people who come together for it and we do this healthy, and rightly, without art, and without any caution, which help we will give the vna part to the other, and the other to the other, at the expense of the party that requests it,and so we swear to God our Lord, and to the Cross, and to the Holy Four Euangelios with our hands bodily touched, and placed on its altar to keep it, and fulfill it.

In testimony of which we order to make this present signed by our hand, and sealed with the seal of our Chamber.

Given in the Villa de Benauente, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of June, the year of the Birth of our Lord Iesu Chisto, of MDVI. years.

I, Gilles Vanden Damen, Secretary to the King, our Lord, had it written by his order, and I was present at the aforementioned with the said witnesses. Vanden Damen".

Secret clause declaring the incapacity of Queen Juana I to govern, AGSPRC 56-27-2

"The King signed his in Villafáfila, when the harmony " says Zurita, although the original text with the signature of Fernando and seal of Aragon is not preserved in Simancas, where there are three copies: a simple transfer, another clean copy written by the royal scribe Bartolomé Ruiz de Castañeda, who notes "arranged" and is identical to the previously described, except for the heading by Fernando, the reference to the queen as "our daughter", and the date in Villafáfila on June 27:

"I, Miguel Pérez de Almazán, secretary of the king, my lord, wrote it by his command and was present at the aforementioned with the said witnesses.

It is sealed with the royal seal of the twelfth king of Aragon, and signed with the sign of said secretary of Almazán.

And I, Bartolomé Ruiz de Castañeda, court clerk of the king and the queen, our lords and court clerk that their highnesses send phaser, do give fee I took this transfer from said original letter and it goes without saying.

And the third copy is a draft of the wording of the final text with the handwriting of Secretary Almazán, and among the crossed out, which was not reflected in the final wording, it reads:

"The help that one party has to give to the other for this is in accordance with what is contained in the aforementioned capitulation" .

The Aragonese Chronicler justifies the signing of this document, based on the danger that Fernando was running, after having trusted his son-in-law, and being at his mercy, with no chance of defense or escape; and he excuses, as a good panegyrist, the Aragonese king of all bad intentions, seeing himself forced by the situation and the setbacks of those days. Another possible interpretation is that what Ferdinand was really interested in at that time was getting his son-in-law to sign any concord, so that all the other princes and states of Europe would know about the treaty of union between them, and he had no scruples in signing her daughter's disability

"therefore, for the preservation of his right, and to fulfill what he owed by natural right to the Queen, her daughter, so that she could collect her freedom, not being able to protest publicly for those fears and dangers, she protested, and denounced before Micer Thomas Malferit Regent of his Cancellería, and of Mossen Ioan Cabrero his waiter, both of his council, and of the Secretary Miguel Pérez de Almazán, and demanded, that the said order, and concord, that that day he was from Hazer, would sign them, and would swear by force, impression, and fear, and for escaping from the dangers that he represented, and getting his person in freedom, and avoiding the perdition, and damage of his Kingdoms, and what by many respects belonged to him. Neither did he agree, nor did he consent to the deprivation of liberty of the Queen, his daughter, before he proposed to help the Queen's freedom,".

“ This last clause is so strange on the part of Fernando, that it would not be conceivable if it were not explained by the semi-secret protest that he was careful to make before three witnesses, namely, Micer Tomás de Manferit, regent of the Chancery of Aragon, Mosen Juan Cabrero , his waiter, and the secretary Miguel Pérez de Almazán, in which it was said that he was going to sign the concord against his will, and only to get out of the dangerous situation in which he found himself, but that his spirit and resolution was to rescue from captivity to his daughter and to recover the administration of the kingdom as soon as he could ” [56] .

The content of the secret clause definitively removes Queen Juana from her right to govern Castile, and from any possibility of recovering it in the future, since her father, who could be her last hope, agrees to help her husband to hinder and prevent attempts by the queen or others to restore her to the throne.

"In the event that the said Sereníssima Reyna our daughter by herself, or unduced by any person of any state, or condition that they were, wanted, or wanted her to intervene in the government, and disturb and benyr against the said capitulation, that We, nor the said Lord King our son, will not consent to it, before we will be very agreeable in remedying it, and being required to do so by the other, we will help each other and give help against any great, or people who swear to do so. " [57] .

Thus Felipe was left with his hands free for the government of Castile for the days of his life, which would be ephemeral since he died three months after the signing of the Concord.

In Simancas, the original protest document of Fernando is preserved with his autographic signature and the royal seal of Aragon, by which he justifies the signing of the two previous documents so detrimental to the rights of himself and his daughter, due to the circumstances :

"Because everyone is aware of the great offense that the most serene Queen Doña Juana, my very expensive and very beloved, sets, and I give Fernando, by the grace of God, King of Aragon, of the Two Sicilies, of Jerusalem, etc. we received in the contracting and concord, so prejudicial to the said serene queen, my subject and me to my right and with enormous damage to us, which said contracting, and concord is forced that I make and sign and swear between me and the most serene King Don Felipe, my son-in-law, for how much I, trusting him and his word and oaths, going in good faith and as between parents and fixed ones should, because my person in such a way that being he with my favor empowered these kingdoms of Castile and Leon, and being together with the great ones and with a powerful and strong hand,my real person is in notorious and manifest danger and my kingdoms according to the occurrences of time, and my person being in the aforementioned form are in the same danger, for this reason, due to the impression and fear of the aforementioned and because otherwise they could not be avoid said dangers, the said king my son-in-law wanting to fully take as dated the administration of the said kingdoms, depriving me of the administration that rightly belongs to me in many respects, and even having the most serene queen Doña Juana, his wife, my wife, out of freedom, depriving her of everything that belongs to her for being heiress and owner of these kingdoms, and I forçaco, as I said is because of the aforementioned dangers, impression and fear, oy they are feyte and seven days of June five and six years old, in this town of Villafáfila, I have to face,sign and swear deed and concord and deeds in which I leave to the said King Don Felipe the administration of these said kingdoms, and that of making and signing and swearing deed that if the most serene queen is his wife, my fixed will determine by herself or induced by any person interfering in the government of these kingdoms and disturbing the said concord that between him and me has to be made, which I will not consent to, before I will be very agreeable with him to remedy it, which agreement and deed and oath I will not make, sign or swear of my spontaneous will, before those I would do to avoid the aforementioned dangers due to the aforementioned fear and impression, because it is true that if I trusted him and his word I would not have put myself in the state I am in, and my real person outside in his entire freedom and the aforementioned dangers and fear ceased,I would not sign or swear or consent to such concord or deed or oath, as it would be very detrimental and to the enormous injury of said most serene queen, my lord and mine.

Therefore, for the preservation of the right and because the causes for which I will sign and swear and consent to the said concord and deed can be authentically demonstrated, so that they are not seized as null and void, I can, when necessary, collect my law and administration and do what by natural right to the most serene queen, so that she collects her freedom and rights that belong to her, as queen, heiress and owner of these said kingdoms, and not being able to due to the said dangers, fear and impression, protest publicly or openly, but rather secretly, because the said protest is public, there are the same dangers and impression, therefore here, before you, Micer Tómas de Malferite, regent of my chancellery, and Mossén Juan Cabrero, my waiter, both of my dream,and from you Miguel Pérez de Almaçán, my secretary and notary public by apostolic and royal authority, I protest and denounce and claim that the said order, concords, scrutures that I have to make, I will make, sign and swear by force, impression and fear undoubtedly and to get out of the aforementioned dangers and to free my real person and avoid the perdition and damage of my kingdoms and what falls to me by law in many respects, I do not like or consent to the deprivation of liberty of the most serene happiness my fixed queen, nor of what is taken from what belongs to her as heiress and owner of these kingdoms, before I do not consent, nor do I understand consenting to any of the said acts and concords and deeds and oaths because they, not embargoed as nullos, impressimos no effect, remaining may,I want, as I said, I have to help the freedom of the most serene blissful queen, my landlord, so that she collects what belongs to her as heiress owner of these said kingdoms, and collects the administration that belongs to me in many respects, requiring you, the aforementioned, to be witnesses Hereby my protest and claim, and to you notary and aforementioned secretary that you receive public act and instrument Della so that from now on it can authentically appear.and to you notary and aforementioned secretary that you receive public act and instrument Della so that from now on it can authentically appear.and to you notary and aforementioned secretary that you receive public act and instrument Della so that from now on it can authentically appear.

Date and granted and signed and sworn was the aforementioned in the said town of Villafáfila on twenty-seventh day of the said month of June, year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ of one thousand five hundred and six years, to which the aforementioned micer Thomás were present Malferite and Mossen Juan Cabrero.

I, Miguel Pérez de Almaçán, secretary to his highness and notary public by royal and apostolic authority, was present in one with the said witnesses, to the granting of this document of protest and claim that his highness fixed second in the manner that said is and in our presence his highness signed his name on it and at his request I signed it and made on it this very customary sign in testimony of truth.

This document shows us once again the cunning or the hypocrisy of Fernando, who on the same day is capable of signing and swearing only before God and before men a capitulation and public concord of alliance with his son-in-law; of secretly swearing to the gospels a document consenting to permanently disqualify her daughter from reigning and help her son-in-law if the queen ever wanted to claim what was hers; and to write a private protest stating that everything he does he does has been forced by circumstances.

It seems that Fernando, despite expressing on numerous occasions during those days his desire to release his daughter to restore her rights, was doing so out of mere political tactics, since he was well aware of Doña Juana's mental situation. Knowing the character and status of her daughter, Queen Elizabeth had already foreseen in her will the possibility that she would not want to take over the governance of the kingdoms:

" Because of how much it may happen that... the said Princess, my daughter, is not in these my kingdoms... or being in them, she does not want to or cannot understand governing them ."

Likewise, Fernando was aware of his daughter's illness, and all the protests he makes, public or secret, in defense of Juana's right to govern the kingdoms, hide his desire to manage the affairs of Castile himself. To which he on the other hand he was entitled based on Elizabeth's will:

"that in any of the said cases the King, my lord, should rule and govern and administer the said my kingdoms and lordships by the said Princess my daughter" .

For this reason, after Felipe's death, he did not rehabilitate her and put her at the head of the government of Castile, but she was definitively confined in the monastery of Santa Clara de Tordesillas.

The differences between the Concordia of Salamanca and that of Villafáfila with only seven months of distance in time are explained by the adverse situation that had been taking place in Fernando's environment. In that of Salamanca, it was agreed: "that the Cortes would swear Juana and Felipe as proprietary kings and Fernando as perpetual governor, that the administration of justice would be done in the name of the three and that the income of the kingdom, discounting the part destined to To cover the general expenses, they would be shared by halves between Fernando, on the one hand, and the royal couple on the other.In the same way, the delicate question of the provision of vacant offices would be done alternately by Fernando and by Felipe, including those who remained in the masterships" [59] .

For his part in that of Villafáfila, Fernando completely renounced the government of Castile, the income of the kingdom, except for those from the Indies and the ten hundred mrs., in exchange for the freedom to administer the masterships of the military orders and receive their income entirely. The contradictions between both agreements, the chroniclers attribute to weaknesses of a character that already showed signs of old age. Cisneros reproached him for his passivity and for not putting the kingdom in a state of defense to prevent Felipe from executing his plans:

"That if SA had believed the principles when he told him, and had made two or three thousand men of war, that he had made the party he wanted; and well, it wasn't, that this was over" [60] .

Possibly, in addition to the concord documents written in Spanish that are preserved in Simancas, others were written in French, which was the language of the Flemish court, or in German, to be sent to Maximilian. In the transcript of what was discussed in the concord made by the author of the second trip [61] , who had to know the documentation, basically the same wording is maintained, but there are some small differences.

The first point alludes to the queen's frequent pregnancies as one of the reasons why Fernando leaves the governorship to Felipe:

"that they could not in any way occupy his senses or his person, therefore by the great number of beautiful and noble children that he has annually and even more often"

In the chapter on reciprocal help from one king to another, it is mentioned: "if some made an assault or invasion on one of them" , as a reason for assisting him.

In the section that mentions the concentration of its ambassadors in Rome and other parts, it is specified that they will be unique, instead of being arranged among themselves, as reflected in the one preserved in Spanish:

"For their affairs, be it in Rome and everywhere else where necessary, they will henceforth send their ambassadors, messengers, and representatives, having the same charge and expense, wherever their affairs require it . "

Wording that had to be changed in the final text due to the unfeasibility of its practice.

Regarding the punishment of the subjects of any of the two kings who oppose what was capitulated in the concord, it is specified that:

And finally he records his aversion to the French in the section that refers to the mutual help between the two kings for the war companies against the infidels that Queen Elizabeth had left in charge, the possibly Flemish or Austrian chronicler says:

"which they are determined to show effectively and by deed, if they are not impeded by the French or by their false and sinister means" .

In any case, the contrast between Fernando's sadness and Felipe's happiness for what was agreed in Villafáfila is clear to everyone:

From Villafáfila, the king met again in Renedo with his son-in-law, but first he made public the extremes of agreement in a manifesto addressed to various ambassadors and personalities, for the knowledge of the people:

Finishing which, he went to Tordesillas, where he published a long manifesto to all the towns (July 1), in which he declared that he had freely and spontaneously renounced his rights and faculties in favor of Doña Juana and Don Felipe, as he had thought. always do it as soon as their children arrive in Spain " [62] .

"King Don Fernando went to Tordesillas, where he stayed for more than eight days, and from there to Tudela de Duero, three leagues from Valladolid" .

"This finished, not only with disdain and disgrace, but with so much affront to the King, and to the Reyna his daughter, the King took his way through Tordesillas, and being in that town, to further justify his intention, he ordered various letters to be sent for all the Kingdoms of Spain, and outside of it, so that their spirit be declared to all, and zealous that it was for the good, and for their universal peace" .

The same manifesto or letter published in the Collection of Unpublished Documents for the History of Spain, Volume VIII p.385-393, is also known, which is addressed to its ambassador in Venice, in which at the end it requires him to make the Concord known. to the Venetian government:

"You will say for me all of the above to that Ilma. Your Honor because I know for sure that it will take a lot to see so much love and such a close union between me and the King and Queen my landlords, and so much union and peace and calm of our kingdoms and lordships " .

The manifesto is an allegation justifying his actions since the death of Queen Elizabeth. Fernando says that since before his wife died, he had communicated to his children that he wanted:

"That he and the Queen fail here in the Kingdom, my wife, so that without inconvenience they receive the possession of these Kingdoms, that I would give it to them and leave it to them peacefully, and I would go to mine... The same day that the said Reyna my wife died, contrary to the opinion of many, I went out to the square of Medina del Campo, and climbed on a cadaharso, and there I publicly took away the title of King of Castile, and gave it to the King, and to the Queen my fixed, and I raised them for Kings, and I made them raise them for Kings throughout the Kingdom" .

The absence of the kingdoms of the young kings and the slander of some advisers were creating an atmosphere of distrust against Fernando:

"and for some things that those who wanted to put discord between him and me, and wanting to put suspicion, made him understand that I did not have the will to show him through the work ."

He relates the causes that moved him to cede all rights to the governorship, to which he defends his right, based on the will of the queen,

"But on the other hand, I was not displeased that the King of mine knew that I had a clear right to govern these Kingdoms... I decided to postpone my particular interest for their general good" ,

considering that he had dedicated his entire life to the pacification and aggrandizement of the kingdom. And he continues:

and me so that in the negotiation of it he would flee instead of dilating our view...; I suffered with tolerance the delay that they tried to put in the sight, and the other circumstances that tried to make me flee in them, as it was fazer, that the King my fixed came with men of war, and that all those who came with him came armed to the said views, going myself, and those who went with me in peace, and without any weapons... the King my landlord and I saw each other in the field... . There I told him briefly, and I agreed as a true father, what he had to do in the government of these Reynos" and that all those who came with him should come armed to the said hearings, I going, and those who went with me in peace, and without any weapons... the King my fixed and I met in the field... . There I told him briefly, and I agreed as a true father, what he had to do in the government of these Reynos" and that all those who came with him should come armed to the said hearings, I going, and those who went with me in peace, and without any weapons... the King my fixed and I met in the field... . There I told him briefly, and I agreed as a true father, what he had to do in the government of these Reynos".

Then he succinctly describes the public content of the concord, without mentioning what was established about the disqualification of the queen, her daughter, and states:

"What I have determined to do after this is to meet again in five or six days with the King, my dear, and tell him and advise him everything that seems to me that he should do, to keep these Kingdoms in peace, and tranquility, and justice, and obedience, and good government in which I have had them" .

Meanwhile Fernando left Villafáfila surely on the 28th after the secretary from Benavente returned, where he was present at the signing of the concord documents by Felipe, he would spend the night halfway and arrived in Tordesillas on the 29th, by the night or the 30th, since the last day of June dates from Aragonese documents; Felipe would leave a few or two days later from Benavente in the direction of Valladolid.

" King Don Felipe left Benavente for Valderas, where the Marquis of Astorga gave him a party, and from there the Count brought him to Villalón for his land, Castromocho and Cigales, which all belong to the Count of Benavente. And in each place threw parties for him " [63] .

Zurita reports that Renedo's interview took place before the Courts of Valladolid opened:

"From Tordesillas the King went to a village, which is next to Valladolid, called Tudela, on the banks of the Duero, and King Don Felipe went with the Queen to Muzientes... Before King Don Felipe entered and the Queen in Valladolid, it was decided that the Kings should see each other again, and it was determined that the hearings should take place in a village called Renedo, a league from Valladolid, and two and a half leagues from Muzientes, where King Don Felipe and the Queen were lodged, and a half from Tudela, where the King stayed... Both Kings went to Renedo, on the fifth of the month of July, after eating, and the King arrived before, and got off in the Church, and there he waited for his son-in-law, and received him, where cars of great demonstration of love passed between them, and they were alone inside a Chapel, and there they talked for an hour and a half...and often advised him, in everything that seemed, that he should do it, for the good governance of those Kingdoms, and warn him of other things, that they concerned their common States, and their friends, and then they put the Archbishop of Toledo on the line , and things of great love happened in his presence, and so they said goodbye".

and there the King Don Phelipe stood at the left hand and then they entered the sacristy, they swore to the King Don Fernando, the Archbishop of Toledo and Don Juan Manuel and the ambassador of the King of Romans, who had entered with the Kings, and the secretary Miguel Pérez de Almazán, that the Queen, her daughter, was crazy; With this they left and King Ferdinand went to Valladilid to go from there to Aragon and King Phelipe went to Tudela".

In this, as on other occasions, Zurita is more precise, since the second interview took place on July 5 and the opening of the Cortes did not take place until nine on the ninth. In addition, the terms that he used in his chronicle were based on the documentation of the king's environment, since it almost coincides with a document preserved in Simancas [64] :

everything as a true father should say with his true son, on which we all remain in great conformity and in so much love and such a close union that you cannot be more. Later we put in our fable the archbishop of Toledo, where things of great love and of a true and fixed father also happened in his presence; And so we said goodbye with all the demonstration and work that should be done among such princes and relatives, and I leave tomorrow, Monday, for my kingdoms, pleasing Our Lord.

The King of Aragon, after picking up the Queen, Doña Germana, who remained in Valladolid, went to the Aragon border, accompanying him to the border, where he was bid farewell by the Duke of Alba, Don Fernando de Vega, and a few other Castilian knights.

"The King left through Monteagudo de Castilla, and entered Hariza on the thirteenth of the month of July... The King considered in this his departure from Castile, which was commonly considered to be very insulting, and that he had to go through the conditions that prevailed at that time. they put, and not to inflame what is true because of what was not".

In his hasty and outrageous departure from Castile, King Ferdinand always maintained his anonymity:

"Because in some towns that he passed by, he was seen with so much rudeness and villainy that they closed their doors to him, and they did not want to receive him in them"

and we see him “constantly maintain two attitudes, one public and the other secret, and willing to make the second prevail over the first, as soon as events allow it. Until then, and as a good loser, perfectly aware that nothing does more harm to a politician than holding useless grudges, or attitudes of manifest hostility, he tried at all times to adopt a serene composure, even before the great ones who had done him the most damage, in which Ferdinand did prove that he was still the consummate politician that Machiavelli himself had admired [65] ”.

" And he dissimulated with such meekness, that he contented himself with saying, that he was more alone, and less known, when he became Prince and successor of those Kingdoms, and with more contradiction, and our Lord had allowed, that the king should reign in them. time that he had reigned” .

Juana and Felipe were sworn in as kings of Castile by the procurators of the cities with a vote in the Courts of Valladolid:

“ Already twelve of the month of July, the Court Attorneys took the oath... They swore it by Reyna, and natural Lady, and King Don Felipe, as her legitimate husband, and Prince Don Carlos as Crown Prince, and successor of those Reynos ... and he served in those Courts of a hundred stories for two years, for the war of the Moors, although he considered himself very serious, due to the great sterility that fled this year in Castile, and for suffering most of it much hunger” [66] .

Before the oath of the Cortes, Felipe had already wanted to lock up his wife, and he had the approval of Archbishop Cisneros to do so, and he persisted in his attempt, but met with the firm opposition of some Grandees, led by the Admiral of Castile, and of some of the city attorneys, such as the representative of Toledo:

"As for the arrest of the Queen, the attorneys were doubtful; with the will of the King, Burgos and León and half of Granada and other cities agreed; and Toledo disapproved of this proposal made by the Queen and with him were Guadalaxara, Madrid , Salamanca and many other cities and towns" [67] .

and with the support of other nobles such as the Count of Benavente, who had asked the king for the queen's imprisonment, although later, in August, he retracted as recorded in one:

"declaration made by the Count of Benavente on the request he made, at the request of Felipe el Hermoso, for Queen Juana to be imprisoned in a fortress. In it he retracts his previous request. Portillo, August 18, 1506" [68] .

reason why in principle he desisted from detaining the queen Juana. She was suspicious of the attitude of her husband, to the point of spending a whole night in the open, near Cojeces del Monte (Valladolid), to avoid being locked up in the Segovia fortress, where the procession was going:

"King don Felipe, having stayed in the city of Valladolid until the end of July, left with the intention of going to Segovia, in whose place he intended, notwithstanding the beauty of his castle there, to leave the queen in her rest. , because she was pregnant... but when said queen arrived at Cogeces del Monte, she could not go any further due to a certain illness that occurred to her, and they stopped for a long period of time" [69] .

After this episode they continued on their way to Tudela de Duero, where they stayed for the month of August.

Meanwhile, the king began to dispossess the faithful of the Catholic Monarchs of the mercedes and fortresses that they had held since before the death of Queen Isabella, and to hand them over to his unconditional supporters, especially the private Don Juan Manuel, and some to Flemish lords, despite the explicit mandate of the Catholic queen in one of the clauses of her testament.

"It was thus, that at the beginning of the Reynado del Rey Don Felipe, the first thing that was understood with great diligence, was to try to remove the fortresses, and companies of war people, and the positions and trades of those who had them" .

Thus, as these news became known, and the situation of the queen's isolation or confinement, the spirits of the Castilians were divided and it was feared that this could lead to some conflict:

"He agreed with this, that the Queen was locked up, and the people who complained about the bad treatment felt, being very upset, and cursed the King her father; saying that he had left the Queen his daughter without any protection, and in prison : and this was talked about so rudely and without respect, that it began to have some great novelty, because all of Castile was already divided into two parts, and the Vnos made an effort to publish that the Queen was sick... and the others that the they were oppressed and mistreated... that if this division lasted, those kingdoms would lose, and burn in civil wars" [70] .

Before leaving for Burgos, King Felipe established a peace and harmony treaty with the kings of Navarre, from which he excluded his father-in-law, despite what was agreed in Villafáfila, and also refused to hand over Fernando to the Duke of Valentinois, who was prisoner in Castile and that he was a subject of the Aragonese, so the old Catholic king confirmed that:

"The King his son-in-law was already declared, that he did not want to be for the capitulation, and concord, that finally he was settled between them" .

What caused disgust before his imminent departure to fix things in the kingdom of Naples:

"the king feeling this in his spirit as it was reason and that that was being lost" .

With that calm and satisfied with how events are taking place, at the beginning of September Felipe leaves for the city of Burgos. Zurita tells us that when the king and queen arrived, they settled in the Cordón palace, which belonged to the Constable, and his wife, Juana de Aragón, bastard daughter of the Catholic king, was compelled to leave her house to avoid contact with the queen. :

"After King Don Felipe arrived in Burgos, as he went to pose at the Constable's house, the first thing they proposed was to order Doña Ioana de Aragón, who was the Constable's wife, to leave the Palace, because the Queen did not have her sister with who communicate their things" .

The satisfaction and the reign of Felipe I would not last long, since he barely had time to enjoy the festivities that were prepared in his honor in the city of Burgos, since the first symptoms of his last illness appeared very soon:

"King Don Felipe suffered from a pestilential fever, and in very short days they were distrustful of his life, because on the third day that he fell ill he fainted, and then they considered him dead. Considering the things that had preceded, and the nature of the ailment, which ended his life, so passionately, he did not cease to have some suspicion that he had been given ponçoña, but his followers, the Flemish themselves, came out of this opinion, in whose power he was, because the physicists he brought, to whom he entrusted his health, who cured his ailment,... discovered the cause of his illness, and it was understood that he was overcome by too much exercise, and by rheumatism from which the fever arose, from which many died at the same time in that City, and died on a Friday twenty-fifth September" .

There is some disparity regarding the date, since another chronicler, Bernáldez, who on other occasions gets the dates wrong, tells us

"King Don Felipe died, unhappy, desirous of living, an early death from the pain that he suffered, while in Burgos, on Monday, the twenty-eighth day of the month of September, and of the same year that he came to reign in Castile" .

"On September 19 he went out for a walk, on a white horse to the genet, because he was very fond of it... returning very late, almost at prayer time" .

"He walked around a lot, and he got too hot, and so he came back, he wanted to play ball with a Biscayan captain of his guard who was a lot of player and then he drank cold water, in a jug they gave him, and then he got sick" .

He completes the review following the minutes of the Regiment of the city of Burgos, and assures that Fernández de Retana died on the 25th shortly after noon [71] .

When the main nobles of Castile met, under the direction of Archbishop Cisneros, two sides were clearly drawn, one led by the Constable and the Admiral, in favor of Fernando returning as soon as possible to take charge of the government of Castile and the side of those who more had opposed the Catholic king, with the Count of Benavente and the Duke of Nájera at the forefront who denied any possibility of a return to the government of the old king.

Cisneros provisionally took charge of the Regency until King Ferdinand returned from Naples, and in the meantime he gained the will of the most reluctant noblemen upon his return with the promise of mercedes, such as the promise to the Count of Benavente to grant him the commission of Castrotorafe.

The Capitulation signed by King Ferdinand in the Church of San Martín de Villafáfila [72] .

Don Fernando, by the grace of God, King of Aragon and of the two Seçilias and of Jerusalem, of Valançia, of Majorca, of Çerdeña de Córcega, Count of Barcelona, Duke of Athens and of Neopatria, Count of Roussillon and of Çerdeña, Marquis of Oristán and Goçan; let us know how much our letter is, you see that, for the service of God, Our Lord, and peace and good of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile, León and Granada and of our kingdoms and lordships of Aragon and the Two Seçilias, etc. ., and increase of his catholic fee, and so that the great love and very close unyon admista e confederaçion be manifested to the whole world that ay ea aber always, pleasing Our Lords, between the serene prince don Felipe, king of Castile, of León de Granada, etc., gives and settled signed and sworn between us, the said kings,

> What with the grace and pleasure of Our Lord and of the glorious Virgin Mary, his mother, Our Lady, and of the apostle Mr. Santiago, patron of ours, is settled and agreed between the high and very powerful, the Lord King Don Felipe , by the grace of God, King of Castile, León, Granada, etc., on the one hand, and the Lord King Fernando, King Aragón, of the Two Seçilias, of Jerusalem, etc., on the other is I follow it:

but although he could pretend that the government of these kingdoms belonged to him, it was never his purpose to give rise to wars or disillusionment in these kingdoms about it; Before, considering how many times and years and with how much effort and work he put into this kingdom for the peace and calm in which he has had, for that he was preserved, he has wanted and wants to put the peace and good of the kingdom before any interest of his own, having likewise, respect that, if he leaves something, he considers it employed to the said gentlemen king and queen their children who as and retain it; and also because he is certain that these said kings will be better ruled and governed by said gentlemen king and queen his children alone than by him and them together, mostly having, as the said gentleman king Don Fernando has, the kingdoms and lordships that he has, that he has to account to Our Lord, the governance of which requires his real presence and, likewise, other great and very arduous business of the service of God, Our Lord, in which he wants to apply himself. For all these and many other reasonable reasons, the said Lord King Don Fernando, continuing his good will and intention and the true love that he has for the said Lords King and Queen for their children, and wanting to show it through his work, has for good and He pleased and in response to leave and leave these said kingdoms and their governance to the said gentlemen King Don Felipe and Queen Doña Juana, their children so that they may have them and govern as king and queen, as lords who are these said kingdoms, and not only the said lord king Don Fernando leaves them the governorship of these said kingdoms in the life of the lady reyna,

> Another sy, because the said Lord King Fernando has and belongs in these kingdoms half of all the income and profits and interests of the Spanish Island and of the other islands of the Indies or the Ocean Sea, for all the time of his life; ansy himself he has and owns ten-fifths of mrs. of income in each year, that he has located the alcabalas of the masterships, for during the said time of his life; assy himself has the said lord king Ferdinand, by apostolic authority, the administration of the masterships of Santiago and Calatrava and Alcántara, for all the days of his life, is agreed and settled between the said lord kings, that said lord king Fernando Aya to have and have the said revenues and profits and interests of the Indies, for half as said, and the said ten stories of rent where they are located, and the said administration of the said three masterships, freely and entirely, and he enjoyed all of it the days of his life, and that in it, or in any part of it, it will not be and will not consist him to be placed under any lien or request, before leaving and they will leave every day of their lives, as it is said, to take and take freely, without any request, half of said income and profits and interests of the Indians, at the said ten stories of each year, by the hand of officials and people who the said Lord King Fernando has commissioned and will commission the collection of all this; and it will be found that from the situation of the said ten, how many will lack something, that they fully comply with it; and likewise it allows and will allow said Lord King Ferdinand to have or enjoy the said administration of the said three masterships entirely, for all the said days of his life, as he has it and that, to the detriment of the said administration, he will not seek or will do and will not allow another to seek or do anything, and that he will not be hindered or prevented from being prevented, directly and directly, by way of Rome, nor by any other way, the provisions of the priories, encomiendas, claberias and other benefits and holdings of the said order; before if necessary, they will make all the said provisions that the said Lord King Fernando, as administrator of the said orders, fiziere en qualqyer, tpo. that he acaesçiere, all the days of his life as it is said; and the said Lord King Ferdinand says that, since the said three masterships are within these said kingdoms of Castile, as if to show all the love that he has always had and has for the natives of this royal crown of Castile, who benefited from the said priories and encomiendas and claberias and other benefits and holdings of the said orders that are in Castile, remaining acaesçiere bacar, to the natives of the royal crown of Castile and not to others; and likewise it is stated and agreed that he will not ask the said Lord King Don Fernando to use for himself and for his officers, in all the lands of the said three orders, of the jurisdiction that in them and in the vassals of them, as administrator of the said three orders, belongs to him and must use and that they will let him take and take and enjoy all the income of the three masterships, and that in it and in this matter he will not put any burden or any request, before it is said, and for each thing and part of it they will give all the favor and help that they need, as to their true father and this same favor and help they will give and will give to the presidents and governors and other officials that the said Lord King Ferdinand will leave with the charges and offices of the said orders and of all the said revenues, whenever it is necessary and the case requires it; and that they are not harmed in any of this in regard to the administration of the said masterships or any other thing of the aforementioned, now and in the future, before they let him and will let him enjoy all of it freely every day of his life as it is said, it is not important that the said lord king don Fernando is in any part of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile. like his true father and this same favor and help they will give and faran to give to the presidents and governors and other officials that the said Lord King Ferdinand leaves with the positions and offices of the said orders and of all the said revenues, whenever necessary and the case requires it; and that they are not harmed in any of this in regard to the administration of the said masterships or any other thing of the aforementioned, now and in the future, before they let him and will let him enjoy all of it freely every day of his life as it is said, it is not important that the said lord king don Fernando is in any part of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile. like his true father and this same favor and help they will give and faran to give to the presidents and governors and other officials that the said Lord King Ferdinand leaves with the positions and offices of the said orders and of all the said revenues, whenever necessary and the case requires it; and that they are not harmed in any of this in regard to the administration of the said masterships or any other thing of the aforementioned, now and in the future, before they let him and will let him enjoy all of it freely every day of his life as it is said, it is not important that the said lord king don Fernando is in any part of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile. whenever it is necessary and the case requires it; and that they are not harmed in any of this in regard to the administration of the said masterships or any other thing of the aforementioned, now and in the future, before they let him and will let him enjoy all of it freely every day of his life as it is said, it is not important that the said lord king don Fernando is in any part of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile. whenever it is necessary and the case requires it; and that they are not harmed in any of this in regard to the administration of the said masterships or any other thing of the aforementioned, now and in the future, before they let him and will let him enjoy all of it freely every day of his life as it is said, it is not important that the said lord king don Fernando is in any part of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile.

> Another yes, it is agreed and settled that the said gentlemen king don Felipe and king don Fernando send well, of course, through their envaxadores, their requests to our most holy father in which they beg him to have taken that the said gentleman king Fernndo has for apostolic authority the administration of the said masterships of Santiago and Calatraba and Alcantara, for all the days of his life, not repealing the said administration, before that signed, if necessary, for all the days of his life of the said gentleman King Don Fernando, with it, that after his days, his holiness grant the administration of the said three masterships to the said gentlemen King Don Felipe and Reyna Doña Juana for all their lives and in case one dies, God save them ,The supervening of them remains in the same way that now the said Lord King Fernando has it, and that, and others of this, they could end up that after the days of said Lord King Fernando, His Holiness made union and perpetual annex of the said three masterships to the royal crown of these kingdoms of Castile, that they work as hard as they can.

with the people that the said Lord King Felipe asks of him and he may well give him, paying him the said Lord King Felipe; and the said Lord King Don Felipe will help the said Lord King Don Fernando for the conservation and defense and peace of his kingdoms and lordships of Aragon, and of the Two Seçilias, etc., and of each one of them, with the people and ships of the said Lord King Fernando; which helps one party to the other, and the other to the other, really and truly, neither more nor less than if the case were their own, so that it is seen and known throughout the world that this admystad is the truest and closest that between father and son can see; and because the lord king of the Romans has always tried with all his strength that between the said lord kings this unyon e admystad be made,

> Other yes and it is agreed and settled that the said lord kings, whenever the case requires it, and he is required by the other, will send his supplications to our very holy father, for all the things that they fulfill in the good of their crowns of Castile and Aragon and of the Two Seçilias and for the conservation of their states and rights, and for all other things that fulfill them and their states, so that in Rome and everywhere the true unyon between them can be seen it is and must always be, pleasing Our Lord.

> Other yes and why it could be that some subjects of the said kings wanted to disturb this peace in union, and try not to keep what is contained in this capitulation it is agreed and settled that, to anyone who the total will try to come in something against what contained in this capitulation, that you punished that of the lords kings subjects were.

> Another sy, for this union of perpetual admystad is faced principally for what touches the service of Our Lord God, and for the exaltation of his faith, and for war against the infidels, in which the said lords kings, each one by sy , understand to employ with the help of God, Our Lord, it is agreed and settled that any of the said parties that need people and maintenance and ships for the said war against the infidels, requiring the other party, help to give and of the people and maintenance and ships that could well give him, at the expense of whoever asked for said help.

> Yten, it is settled and agreed that all those who have been servants of the said parties and of any of them, be avid and we consider them to be very good and loyal servants and that no damage or harm be done to people and property, and trades, tenures, honors, and businesses, for this reason, before all of this, they are well treated.

> Other yes, it is settled and agreed that everything contained in this capitulation must be saved and kept by the said parts very completely, notwithstanding any capitulations that the said parts and any of them have dates here, and from here on they are written with any other princes or potentates, because the effect of the content is this capitulation, which wants to not be hindered or prompted by any other date or by doing.

> Other yes and it is agreed and settled that the things contained in this capiutaçion be stronger and firmer than the court attorneys of the cities and towns of these kingdoms of Castile, and León of Granada in their name.

those that by virtue of this capitulation we are held and obliged to comply, maintain, and guard, and each one of them, in good faith, without evil, without court and without any reservation, are the clauses, parties, obligations, links, e firmaças, e condiçiones, in this said capitulaçion contained; for which to have, and fulfill, and keep, oblige us to our fiscal and patrimonial assets, and of the crown of these kingdoms; and for certainty and corroboration, and validation of all that has been said, we send it to be done, signed by us and sealed with our seal. for which to have, and fulfill, and keep, oblige us to our fiscal and patrimonial assets, and of the crown of these kingdoms; and for certainty and corroboration, and validation of all that has been said, we send it to be done, signed by us and sealed with our seal. for which to have, and fulfill, and keep, oblige us to our fiscal and patrimonial assets, and of the crown of these kingdoms; and for certainty and corroboration, and validation of all that has been said, we send it to be done, signed by us and sealed with our seal.

Given in Villafáfila on the twenty-seventh day of the month of June, year of the birth of our savior Jesus Christ, one thousand five hundred and six years old.

And Miguel Perez de Alcaçan, secretary of the king, my lord, had it written by his order and was present at the meeting with the witnesses.

It is sealed with the seal of the royal arms of Aragon, synada del syno of the said secretary Almaçan. And I, Bartolome Ruiz de Casteñeda, chamber clerk of the king and queen, our lords, and secretary of the courts that their highnesses send to do, attest that I have taken this transfer from the said original capitulation and that it is true.

Don Fhelie, by the grace of God, King of Castile, Leon, Granada, etc., Prince of Aragon and of the two Sicilies, etc. Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy and Bravante, Count of Flanders and Tyrol, etc. Let us know how many of you see our letter, for the service of God, Our Lord, and peace and good of these kingdoms and lordships of Castile, León, Granada, etc. and of the kingdoms and lordships of Castile, León, Granada, etc. and of the kingdoms and lordships of Aragon and the two Sicilies, etc. and increase of his Catholic faith, and so that the whole world may manifest the great love and very close union, friendship and confederation that there is and will always be, pleasing to Our Lord, between us on one side and the most serene prince, the Lord Ferdinand, King of Aragon and of the two Sicilies, etc. Our father,

and we will keep this said deed of capitulation and all the things contained therein, it is convenient to know, those that by virtue of this capitulation we are held and obliged to fulfill, and maintain and keep, and each one of them, in good faith, without bad deceit, without art and without any precaution, on the clauses, parties, obligations, links, firmness, and conditions, in this said capitulation contained; for which to have, and fulfill and keep, we obligate our fiscal and patrimonial assets and the crown of our kingdoms; and for certainty and corroboration and validation of all the aforementioned, we send this document, signed by us and sealed with our seal. Given in the town of Benavente on the twenty-eighth day of the month of June, the year of the birth of our savior Jesus Christ, fifteen hundred and six years old.

I Guilles Vanden Damen, secretary of the king our lord, had it written by his mandate and I was present at the aforementioned with the said witnesses.

Elías Rodríguez Rodríguez: The Concord of Villafáfila. June 27, 1506. Institute of Zamorano Studies, Florián de Campo. 2006.

All text, photographs, transcription and montage, the rights belong to their authors, any type of use is prohibited without authorization.

All text and photography has been authorized for storage, treatment, work, transcription and assembly to José Luis Domínguez Martínez, its dissemination on villafafila.net, and any other means that is authorized.

ALCOCER, Pedro de: "Relationship of some things that happened in these Kingdoms since the Catholic Queen died" . BN Mss. 2803-15.

GARCÍA MARCADAL, J.: Foreigners travel through Spain and Portugal . Valladolid 1999. Volume I. "Second voyage of Felipe el Hermoso".

FARM OF THE, Manuel: Villafáfila . History and Present of a Castilian-Leonese Villa . Zamora. 1997.

MARTÍN FUERTES, José Antonio: Municipal Historical Archive of León. Document Catalog. 1982.

^__ "Interventions and interests of the Counts of Benavente in Villafáfila in the XV and XVI centuries". Yearbook of the Institute of Zamorano Studies "Florián de Ocampo" p. 487-512. Zamora 1997.

^__ "Performances of the Mayors of the Order of Santiago in Villafáfila". "Yearbook of the Institute of Zamorano Studies "Florián de Ocampo" p. 283-345. Zamora 1999.

^__ "The hospitals of Villafáfila in the XVI-XVI centuries". "Yearbook of the Institute of Zamorano Studies "Florián de Ocampo" p. 431-446. Zamora 2000.

^__ "The Monastery of Moreruela and the Council of Villafáfila: history of a secular conflict". "Yearbook of the Institute of Zamorano Studies "Florián de Ocampo" p. 227-321. Zamora 2002.

SALVA, Miguel and SAINZ DE BARANDA, Pedro: Collection of Unpublished Documents for the History of Spain (Codoin). Volume VIII. Madrid 1846.

SUÁREZ FERNÁNDEZ, Luis and FERNÁNDEZ ÁLVAREZ, Manuel: History of Spain . Directed by D. Ramón Menéndez Pidal. Volume XVII, Volume II.

Zurita, Jerónimo: The Last Five Books of the History of King Don Fernando the Catholic . Zaragoza 1580. National Library: Sig. 5 - 10353.

Electronic edition by José Javier Iso (coord.), Pilar Rivero and Julián Pelegrín.

[1] Testament of Queen Isabella the Catholic. Taken from History of Spain. Menendez Pidal. Volume XVII-II.

[2] AGS PR; C. 56, doc. 16.

[3] Salva, M. and Sainz de Baranda, P. 1846. CONDOIN Volume VIII: 386.

[4] ARSPR: C.69, doc. 3. 4.

[5] AN Frías: C. 18, doc. 144-145.

[6] History of Spain. XVII-II: 658.

[7] AGSPR: C56, doc. twenty-one.

[8] Zurita, J. 1580. Book VI, Ed. Iso, coord. P. 73.

[9] AGSPR: C.56, doc. 19.

[10] Zurita, J. 1580. Lib. SAW. Ed. Iso coord. P. 75.

[11] AGSPR: C.56, doc. 22.

[12] Zurita, J. 1580: 58.

[13] Alcocer: 266.

[14] Zurita. J. 1850: 50.

[15] Zurita, J. 1580: 54.

[16] AGS PR: C.56, doc. 23. On the back of the sheet that wraps these documents is written: "in this wrapper are some letters from King Felipe to the said Cardinal, and another letter from King Fernando to Queen Juana written in his own hand on it case and business" The latter unfortunately is not found in Simancas.

[17] AGS PR: C.7, doc. 76.

[18] AGS PR: C. 56, doc. 23.

[19] Salva M. and Sainz de Baranda P., 1846. T. VIII: 34.

[20] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 542.

[21] AN Frías C. 18, doc. 140 and 141.

[22] AN Osuna C. 516, doc. Four.

[23] AN Frias C. 847, doc. 17.

[24] Zurita, J. 1580: 53.

[25] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 541.

[26] AGSPR: C.56, doc. 25.

[27] Alcocer: 266 v.

[28] Epistle 308.

[29] Bernaldez, A 1962: 498.

[30] Zurita J. 1580: 57-58.

[31] ACA Records. c. 3670.

[32] Zurita J. 1580: 60.

[33] Zurita J. 1580: 61.

[34] Bernaldez, A. 1962: 498.

[35] Zurita, J. 1580: 61

[36] AGSPR C-56, doc. 24.

[37] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 542.

[38] Zurita, J. 1580: 61.

[39] Bernaldez, A. 1962: 498.

[40] ACA Registry C. 3670 and 3656.

[41] Fernandez de Retana, 1929, I, 363.

[42] Zurita J. 1580: 70.

[43] Alcocer: 267 v.

[44] Zurita, J. 1580: 65.

[45] Fernandez de Retana, 1929: 367.

[46] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 543.

[47] ACA Records. c. 3670.

[48] AGS Chamber of Castile. Various. File 2, doc. 59. A Royal Decree had recently been promulgated in the name of the three kings (Juana, Felipe and Fernando) so that the clerics and ecclesiastical persons were not invited, dated in Valladolid on April 27, 1506.

[49] ACA Records. Lib. 3656 and 3670.

[50] Alcocer: 269.

[51] Fernandez de Retana, L. 1929: 369.

[52] FILE V. CERTIFICATES AND PRAGMATICS. C. 1, doc.3.

[53] Although the documents mention the altarpiece, without mentioning in which specific church the signing of the concord was carried out by King Fernando, the oral tradition of the residents of Villafáfila has agreed that it took place in the one that disappeared in the 60s of the 20th century, the church of San Martín, located in the center of the town, near the Plaza Mayor, and Fernando's accommodation, which the same tradition places in the house that later became known as the house -palace of the Duke of the Infantado, and that in those days belonged to Inés Enríquez, daughter of the old Count of Alba, Don Enrique, and widow of Don Pedro Pimentel, today his site has become part public

[54] Manuel de la Granja Alonso: The Art of a Castilian-Leonese Villafáfila 2008, p. 22

[55] Zurita, J. 1580.VII: 68.

[56] Lafuente, M.1869:281.

[57] AGSPRC 56-27-1.

[58] AGS PR C.56, doc. 30.

[59] History of Spain XVII-II: 662.

[60] Fernandez de Retana, 1929: I, 359.

[61] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 545.

[62] Lafuente M. 1869: 10, 281.

[63] Bernaldez, A. 1962: 500.

[64] AGSPR: C. 56, doc. 31

[65] Suárez, L. Fernández, M 1969. History of Spain XVII-II: 669.

[66] Zurita, J. 1580: 75.

[67] Alcocer: 269.

[68] A. NOBILITY. Osuna: C. 420, doc. one.

[69] Garcia Mercadal, J. 1999: 548.

[70] Zurita, J. 1850: 77.

[71] Fernandez de Retana L.1929: 377.

[72] The transcript is the original document of ratification of the concord by Fernando, which is preserved in the General Archive of Simancas. Royal Board. Box 56, doc. 28. is signed "I the King", and bears the sign of the royal secretary, Miguel Pérez. of Almazan. Next to this is a contemporary copy, with a more archaic wording, since it uses e as a conjunction instead of and ; it uses cedillas in the c , and it was possibly the one that served as the basis for sending it to the cities, such as Zamora, with a vote in the Cortes and it is coordinated with the original by the clerk of the Cortes Bartolomé Ruiz de Castañeda. There is a third simple copy without signature and contemporary to the others according to their calligraphy.

[73] It is almost identical to that of Fernando, except in the order of mentioning the queen as his wife and the dates AGSPR 56, doc. 29.

	CONCORDIA OF VILLAFÁFILA JUNE 27, 1506